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Atte KACES OF BUROPE
A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
(Lowell Institute Lectures)
BY
WILLIAM Z. RIPLEY, Pu.D.
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY, MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY ; LECTURER ON ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
ACCOMPANIED BY A SUPPLEMENTARY BIBLIOGRAPHY > OF THE ANTHROPOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY OF EUROPE, PUBLISHED BY THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON
LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. (LIMITED)
1900
TO MY CHILDREN
PORTE a;
Tuts work is the outgrowth of a course of lectures upon “physical geography and anthropology” in the School of Political Science at Columbia University in the city of New York; delivered before the Lowell Institute in the fall of 1896. It originally comprehended, in a study of aboriginal societies and cultures, an analysis of the relation of primitive man to his physical environment. Gradually, with a growing appreciation of the unsuspected wealth of accumulated data, it has expanded along lines of greater resistance, concentrating attention, that is to say, upon Europe—the continent of all others wherein social phenomena have attained their highest and most complex development. Containing little that may be called original, strictly speaking, it represents merely an honest effort to co-ordinate, illustrate, and interpret the vast mass of original material—product of years of patient investi- gation by observers in all parts of Europe—concerning a primary phase of human association: that of race or physical relationship.
An earnest attempt has been made to bring this abundant store of raw material into some sort of orderly arrangement, and at the same time to render it accessible to future investi- gators along the same line. The supplementary bibliography under separate cover has, it is hoped, materially contributed to both of these results. The intimate relationship between
¥
vi THE RACES OF EUROPE.
the main volume and the bibliographical list, as explained in the preface to the latter, is too apparent to need further ex- planation. It will be noted at once that all citations accord- ing to author and date may be immediately identified in full, by reference to the supplementary list of authorities at the appropriate place. |
To secure a graphical representation of facts by maps which should conform to strictly scientific canons, was an indispensable requisite in a geographical work of this kind. By rare good fortune it has been possible to develop a chance suggestion from my artist friend, Mr. Frank B. Masters, into a definite and simple system of map construction, whereby the work could be done by our own hands. The sacrifice of artistic finish incident thereto, was deemed unimportant be- side the manifest advantage of a close adaptation of the maps to the text, both being prepared in unison. To secure this result a number of the maps have been entirely redrawn; in several cases they have been experimentally prepared even to the engraving of the plates, three times over. Many of the maps in this volume—probably the majority—are the handi- work of my wife, to whose constant material aid as well as inspiration, reference has elsewhere been made. From these all extraneous details have been purposely omitted. More- over, the various maps have been co-ordinated with one an- other, with the adoption of a common scheme for all. Thus, for example, dark shades invariably denote the shorter stat- ures, and similar grades of tinting, so far as possible, desig- nate equal intensities of the phenomena in question. In the maps of head form this co-ordination has been applied most consistently. In respect of maps of stature and pigmentation, the diverse anthropometric methods employed and the extraor- dinary range of variation, have rendered it a more difficult matter to preserve a strict uniformity.
PREFACE, vii
In several cases in the reproduction of standard maps it will be noticed that the graphical system has been consider- ably modified from the original. Sometimes, as in the map of Limousin on page 83, the author’s scheme has been simpli- fied; in others, as in Broca’s classical map of Brittany on page 100, the number of degrees of shading has been greatly increased, it is believed to good effect; and oftentimes, as in the map on page 143, an entire rearrangement of the graphical representation has been made to conform to precise statistical methods ; for it is a cardinal principle in graphic statistics that the visual impression must, so far as possible, conform to the represented facts. To denote one grade of variation of ten per cent by a single tint, and to make the succeeding shade designate a range three times as great, involves almost as serious misrepresentation as an actual misstatement in the text. At times, as in the evidently misleading scheme used on Odin’s map on page 525, where equal shades of tint are used for widely different ranges of variation, the original scheme has been left, because of difficulties in a proper re- arrangement from the published data.
Another detail upon these sketch maps will certainly at- tract attention—viz., the apparent lack of system employed in the lettering, French, German, Italian, or English orthogra- phy being alike employed. The rule—unfortunately not in- variably observed—has been to apply the spelling native to each country in question wherever the map was a direct copy: thus Bretagne for Brittany in maps of France, Roma instead of Rome in Italy, and Sachsen, not Saxony, on maps of the German Empire. When it is an original one, constructed herein from statistical data for the first time, English trans- literations have been used. The purpose of this confessedly awkward arrangement has been to permit of a possible adapta- tion of these selfsame maps to foreign translation. It is the
Vill THE RACES OF EUROPE.
only possible international arrangement, that each country should preserve its indigenous spelling. As for the legends and titles, they lie outside the drawing proper, and necessarily must correspond to the language of the text.*
It would be disingenuous not to confess pride in the col- lection of portrait types inclosed between these covers. This is the more pardonable, inasmuch as a failure thus to recog- nise its value and completeness would be to reflect lesser credit upon those to whose entirely disinterested efforts the collec- tion is really due. Without the earnest co-operation and never- failing interest of the eminent authorities in all parts of Eu- rope, to whom specific reference is made at appropriate places in the body of the text, as well as by name in the index list of portraits, this work of scientific illustration of the dry matter of the text would have been almost impossible. For the proper selection of portrait types necessitates an intimate knowledge of the people of each country, not possible to the observant student but only to those who have lived and worked among them often for months at a time. Words are inadequate fully to express the deep measure of obligation of which I am sensible for assistance along these lines.
Among all the European authorities to whom I am in- debted in various ways, there is no one to whom the obliga- tion is so great as to my friend Dr. John Beddoe, F. R. AR late president of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain. From first to last, his interest in the work—especially evi-
denced by way of candid criticism upon all points of detail—
* In this connection we may note a few errata indelibly fixed in the engravings: viz., on page 170, for Basse Navarra in France, read Basse Navarre; on page 169, for Medoc, read Médoc; on page 189, for Bilboa and Plamplona, read Bilbao and Pamplona respectively ; on page 225, it should obviously be Schleswig; and on page 517, Savoie; at page 318 possibly Edinburgh; and on the folding map at page 222, Tyrol should be Tirol and Wiirtemburg should properly be Wiirtemberg.
PREFACE. ix
has been a constant source of inspiration. Without the sure guidance of such criticism, many more errors than now re- main for future elimination, must surely have occurred.
The courtesy manifested by the officers and council of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain, in intrusting the valuable albums of British photographs belonging to the Society to my charge, merits the deepest gratitude. As an act of international courtesy it is peculiarly worthy of note at this time. Professor A.C. Haddon, of Cambridge Uni- versity, and Dr. C. R. Browne, of Dublin, Ireland, have also, among English authorities, rendered important service. In Germany, I have continually turned to Dr. Otto Ammon, of Carlsruhe, for aid, and have not failed in any instance to find a ready response.
A goodly share in the preparation of this volume has been performed by my wife—fully enough to warrant my own per- sonai desire that two names should appear upon the title- page, instead of one. For a large part of the drawing of the maps, much wearisome reading of proofs, interminable veri- fication of references and of bibliographical details have fallen to her share of the work: and in addition, the invaluable serv- ice has been rendered of remorseless criticism in all matters of style as well as of fact. The six years required for the com- pletion of the work by our joint labour must have been greatly prolonged, and the final product would surely have been far more imperfect, had it not been for her constant and de-
voted aid.
Whee Bs Te Boston, April 25, 1899.
CONTENTS:
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION.—ENVIRONMENT, RACE, AND EPOCH IN SOCIAL EVOLUTION. : : g é PAGE History of the study of environment—The pre-evolutionary period
—England and the Continent contrasted—Buckle’s influence —Recent revival of interest among historians—Scope and character of geographical study as related to sociology. Environment versus race—Antagonistic explanations for anthropological and social phenomena illustrated—Distinc- tion between social and physical environment—Direct and indirect influence of miliew compared; the latter more im- portant in civilization—Selection and specialization—Progress dependent upon such processes—Limitation of environmental influences by custom—Moral and social factors . : . I-14
CHAPTER II. LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE,
Apparent contrast between eastern and western Europe only a dif- ference of degree—Population seldom static—Migration de- pendent primarily upon economic considerations; not tran- sient, though changing with modern industrialism. Language and race—The former often a political or his- torical product; the latter very rarely so—Examples—Lin- . guistic geography of the Iberian peninsula (map); Castilian, Catalan, and Portuguese—Friction where political and lin- guistic boundaries not identical as in Alsace-Lorraine (map) —Celtic languages in the British Isles (map)—Switzerland linguistically described—Burgundy—Eastern Europe—Lan-
guage migratory—Proof by study of place names. Language and customs or culture independently migratory
xi
Xi
THE RACES OF EUROPE.
' PAGE
—Languages often political or official, customs seldom so— Languages seldom coalesce, while borrowing in culture common—Race and customs or culture equally independent of one another for similar reasons.
Migrations and conquests—Historical data often unreliable —Conquest unevenly distributed—Military and domestic con- quest contrasted—Persistency of populations racially—Race often coincident with religion.
The anthropometric data for Europe—Its character and defects—Conscripts and school children—Males and females—
All classes and districts represented. : ‘ ; . 15-36
CHAPTER III.
THE HEAD FORM.
Measured by the cephalic index—Definitions and methods—Head
form and face correlated—Head form no criterion of intelli- gence—Size unimportant—Distribution of head form among races (world map)—Primary elements in the species—Geo- graphical parallels between head forms, fauna and flora— Areas of characterization—Artificial selection—‘‘ Conscious- ness of kind ’’—Little operative in head form, though com- mon in facial features—Cranial deformation—Head form not affected by environment—Elimination of chance variation— Distribution of head form in Europe (map)—Extreme human types comprehended—Two distinct varieties—Geographical
parallels again—lIsolation versus competition ; : . 37-57
CHAPTER IV.
BLONDS AND BRUNETS.
Pigmentation a physiological process—Distribution of skin colour
among races (world map)—Environmental causes not clearly indicated—Colour of hair and eyes of Europeans more pecul- iar than their skin colour—The available data ample but in- definite—Comparison of methods of observation—Reciprocal relation of colour in hair and eyes—Types versus traits—Dis- tribution of brunetness in Europe (map)—Blonds centred in Scandinavia—Persistency of brunet traits—African blondness problematical—Racial aspects of pigmentation—Walloons— British Isles—Jews—Less clear divisions than in head form— Environmental disturbance indicated—Blondness of mountain populations a concomitant of climate or poverty—Pigmenta-
tion thus inferior to head form as an index of race. . 58-77
CONTENTS. xill CHAPTER V. STATURE. PAGE
Variations in the human species—Geographical distribution (world map)—Direct influence of environment through food supply —Mountain peoples commonly stunted—Selection at great altitudes reverses this—The peasantry of Limousin (map) and of Landes in France—Artificial selection—Stature and health or vigour—In Finisterre (map)—Military selection—A fter- effects of the Franco-Prussian War—Selection shown by stat- ure among American immigrants—Professional selection— Swiss results—Differences between occupations and_ social classes due to natural selection, followed by direct influence of habits of life—Social classes in the British Isles—Depress- ing influences of industrialism—General upward tendency due to amelioration of conditions of life—Influence of urban life twofold, selective and direct—Distribution of average stature in Europe (map)—Teutonic giantism—Brittany (map) and the Tyrol (map) . : : ; : A : é : . 78-102
CHAPTER VI. THE THREE EUROPEAN RACES.
Trait, type, and race defined—Two modes for the constitution of types from traits—The anthropological one described—Asso- ciation of blondness and stature—Difficulty of the problem— Analysis of seriation curves of stature—Scientific definition of race as an “ideal type ’’—Further interpretation of seriation curves of head form—Pure and mixed populations contrasted —The second or geographical mode for constitution of types from traits—Heredity and race, with examples—Final results for Europe—Three distinct types—The Teutonic race de- scribed—The second or Alpine type—The name Celt—History of the Celtic controversy—Difficulty in use of the term illus- trated—The Mediterranean racial type—Subvarieties and their distribution . ; : ; : ; ; 3 : . 103-130
CHAPTER VII. FRANCE AND BELGIUM.
France comprehends all three racial types—Its physical geography (map)—Axes of fertility and areas of isolation—Savoy, Au- vergne, and Brittany—Distribution of head form (map)—The Alpine type in isolation—The Gatinars and the Morvan—Bur- gundy—Social versus racial hypotheses—Distribution of bru-
Gt oe Sate
Xlv
THE RACES OF EUROPE.
netness and stature (maps)—Normandy and Brittany—Teu- tonic invasions—The Veneti—Place names and ethnography (maps). Northern France historically as well as racially Teutonic —Not distinguishable from Belgium—Flemings and Walloons —Physical geography of the Ardennes plateau (map)—Head form, colour, and stature in Belgium (maps)—Aquitaine—Its physical geography—Anomalous racial distribution—Dolicho- cephaly about Limoges and Périgueux (maps)—The Lemovici Teutonic, the Petrocorii Cro-Magnon—The Limousin barrier (map)—The Cro-Magnon type, archzologically and in the life —Survival in Dordogne, due to geographical circumstances—
PAGE
The general situation described . ; ‘ : : . 131-179
CHAPTER VIII.
THE BASQUES.
Number and distribution—Social and political institutions—The
Basque language, agglutinative and psychologically primitive in structure—Early theories of origin based upon language— This language moving northward (maps)—Cephalic index of the Basques (map)—Difference between French and Spanish types of head form—The Basque facial type peculiar to both —Its geographical distribution as related to language (map) —Threefold stratification of population in the. Pyrenees—Re- cent theories as to origin—Historical data—Collignon’s hy- pothesis—Arrtificial selection engendered by linguistic indi- viduality—Stature and facial features—Corroboration by local
customs of adornment . : # : : 2 } . 180-204
CHAPTER IX.
THE TEUTONIC RACE: SCANDINAVIA AND GERMANY.
Head form in Norway (map)—-Peculiar population in the south-
west, both brachycephalic and dark—Stature in Norway and Sweden (maps)—The Alpine type surely settled along the southwestern coast—Anthropology of Denmark corroborates it—Sweden as a whole more homogeneous than Norway. Germany—Nationality, language, and religion no index of race—Racial division of the empire—Physical geography (map)—The head form: Teutonic in the north, Alpine toward the south—Place of the Prussians—De Quatrefages versus Vir- chow—Blonds and brunets (map)—Teutonization of Fran- conia—Bavaria and Wirtemberg compared—Stature (maps) —Austria and Salzburg—Historic expansion of the Germans
CONTENTS. XV
PAGE —The Reihengriiber—Franks and Romans—The Black Forest (maps)—Environmental factors at work—Alsace-Lorraine (maps)—The Vosges—The Teutonic expansion an economic movement—Influence of customs of inheritance—The great Slavic expansion—Traced by place names and village types (diagrams and maps)—SomAatological results of Slavic inva- sions—Thuringia and Saxony compared—Parallels between ethnic and physical phenomena . ; : ‘ : . 205-245
CHAPTER X. THE MEDITERRANEAN RACE: ITALY, SPAIN, AND AFRICA.
Italy—Its physical geography (map)—The Po Valley and the peninsula compared—The Alpine type in Piedmont—Stature and blondness (maps)—Teutonic racial survivals, especially in Lombardy—Germanic language spots—Sette Comuni and Val- desi—Veneto—The Mediterranean type in Liguria—Garfag- nana and Lucchese (map)—Ethnic hypotheses—The Ligurians historically and physically—Difficulty of the problem—An- thropology versus philology—Recent views—Umbria and Tuscany (map)—The Etruscans (map)—Two opposing views —Evidence of prehistoric archeology—Rome and Latium— Calabria—Foreign settlements, Albanians and Greeks—Sar- dinia and Corsica compared—Historical and ethnic data.
Spain—Its isolation and uniformity of environment—Cli- mate and topography—The head form (map)—Stature (map) —The Iberians, historically and physically considered—Influ- ence of the Moors and Saracens.
Africa—Oriental and Western divisions—The Berber type described—The Libyan blonds—Ethnic and historical hypothe- ses—Indication of environmental influences. : . 246-280
CHAPTER XI. THE ALPINE RACE: SWITZERLAND, THE TYROL, AND THE NETHERLANDS.
Geographical circumstances—Isolation versus competition—Di- versity of languages and dialect—The head form—Burgundians and Helvetians—Blonds and brunets (maps)—Environmental influences in the Bernese Oberland (map)—Stratification of population in the Tyrol (map).
The Netherlands—Frisians, Franks, Hollanders, and Wal- loons—The head form (map)—The Neanderthal controversy —The Alpine race in Zeeland, Denmark, and the British Isles . : : ‘ ‘ ; ‘ ‘ : ; . 281-299
Xvi
THE RACES OF EUROPE.
CHAPTER XII.
THE BRITISH ISLES; IBERIAN ORIGINS (?).
Insularity as an ethnic factor—Ireland “a little behindhand ”—Rel-
ative fertility and accessibility—Parallel in social relations— Uniformity in head form (map)—Prehistoric chronicle—Cave dwellers—The Long Barrow epoch—The Round Barrow type —‘‘ Long barrow, long skull; round barrow, broad skull ”’— Modern survivals of type—The Romans—The Teutonic inva- sions—Evidence of place names (map)—The Anglo-Saxons ubiquitous—Two varieties of Danish invasion—Norwegians along the Scottish coast—The Normans, last of the Teutonic invaders.
Distribution of pigmentation (map)—A brunet substratum still extant in areas of isolation—Relative brunetness as com- pared with continental countries—Subvarieties—The “light Celtic’ eye and the red-haired Scotch type—Parallel between Celtic languages and brunetness—Peculiarities of Hertford- shire and Buckinghamshire—Iberian origins, historically and philologically considered—Picts, Basques, and Silures—The witness of stature (map)—Contradictions in Scotland—Weight and stature—Facial features—Old British compared with
PAGE
Anglo-Saxon—Temperament as a racial trait . ss - 300-334
CHAPTER XIII.
RUSSIA AND THE SLAVS.
Political boundaries of Russia—Monotony of environment de-
scribed—Its relative fertility—Forest, black mould, and steppe —Distribution of population—Languages: Great, White, and Little Russians—Letto-Lithuanians and Finns—Uniformity of Russian cephalic type (map) a product of environment—Pe- culiarity of the Letto-Lithuanians—Broad-headedness of the southern Slavs—The phenomena of brunetness—The Baltic Sea as a centre of blondness—Distribution of stature (map) —Tallness of the Teutons and the southern Slavs—Giantism of the modern Illyrians—Similarity in stature between Finns and Teutons.—Duality of physical type throughout eastern Europe—Priority of the dolichocephalic one—Evidence from the Kurgans—Prehistoric distribution—Which is the Slav?— Outline of the controversy.
The aboriginal peoples of Russia—Finns, Turks, and Mon- gols—Impossibility of linguistic classification—Two types physically considered—Contrast between Mongols and Finns
CONTENTS. ; Xvii
PAGE —Close similarity of the Finnic type to the Scandinavians— The Finnic branch of Teutonic racial descent—Importance of the theory in the anthropological history of Europe . 335-367
CHAPTER XIV. THE JEWS AND SEMITES.
Social solidarity despite diversity of language and geographical dispersion—Is racial purity responsible for it?-—Number and geographical distribution (map)—Political and social prob- lems—Concentration in cities—Former centre in Franconia— Original centre of Jewish dispersion—Relation of the Jews to the Semites—Course of Jewish migrations traced—Pecul- iar deficiency in height among Jews—Stature as evidence of social oppression—Its distribution in Poland (map)—Parallel between stature and prosperity in Warsaw (maps)—Narrow- chestedness of Jews—Their surprising longevity and vitality —Its causes examined.
Traditional division of Ashkenazim and Sephardim—Their early physical type described—Modern testimony as to the | V head form of Jews and Semites—Approximation of type to that of surrounding peoples—Impossibility of purity of de- scent—Historical evidence as to intermixture—The Jewish facial features—Strong brunetness—The nose and eyes— Purity of facial type, despite cranial diversity—Potency of arti- ficial selection—Peculiar persistency among the women—The Jews a people, not a race—Religion as a factor in selection —Parallel between Jews and Armenians . . ; . 368-400
CHAPTER XV.
EASTERN EUROPE: THE GREEK, THE TURK, AND THE SLAV; MAGYARS AND ROUMANIANS.
Geography and topography of the Balkan peninsula—Comparison with Italy and Spain—Political rdle of the Slavs—Numerical importance of the Greeks and Turks (map)—Reasons for Turkish political supremacy—Mohammedans and _ Turks. Greece—Physical type of classical antiquity—Racial immigra- tions from the north—Evidence of Albanian and Slavic inter- mixture—Characteristics of the modern Greeks—Brunetness and classical features. The Slavs—lIllyrians and Albanians— Bosnia and Servia—Physical individuality of the western Bal- kan peoples—Giantism, brachycephaly, and brunetness—Evi- dences of environmental disturbance. The Osmanli Turks—
2
xvill THE RACES OF EUROPE.
PAGE Their linguistic affinities—Mongols and Finns—Turkomans— Their Alpine characteristics—The modern Turkish type not Asiatic—The Bulgarians—Their Finnic origin—Their geo- graphical extension into Thrace and Macedonia. The Rou- manians—Their geographical distribution (map)—Theories as to their linguistic origin—The Pindus Roumanians—Phys- ical type of Bulgarians and Roumanians compared—Peculiar dolichocephaly of the lower Danubian Valley—Its significance in the anthropological history of Europe—Superficiality of po- litical and national boundaries. The Hungarians —Geograph- ical distribution (map)—The political problem—Origin of the Magyars—Linguistic affinity with the Finns—Physical char- acteristics—Head form and stature—Difficulties in their identi-
fication . : é - ; ; ; : j : . 401-435
CHAPTER XVI. WESTERN ASIA: CAUCASIA, ASIA MINOR, PERSIA, AND INDIA,
Caucasia—The Caucasian theory of European origins—Its present
absurdity—Linguistic heterogeneity of the region—All types
‘ of languages represented—Influence of physical environment
producing “contiguous isolation ”—Variability of head form
(map)—Cranial deformation prevalent—Various types de- scribed—Lesghians—Circassians—Ossetes—Tatars.
Asia Minor and Mesopotamia—Its central position and no- madic peoples render study difficult—Distribution of lan- guages—Duality of physical types—Iranian and Armenoid peoples—Cranial deformation common—The Kurds—The Ar- menians—Evidence of artificial selection among the latter— Their social solidarity and purity of physical type—Religion as a factor in selection—Wide extension of the Armenoid type —lIts primitive occurrence—Its significance as a connecting link between Europe and Asia.
Persia—Absence of sharp segregation, as in Asia Minor-— The environment described—Three subvarieties—The Semites —Azerbeidjian Tatars—Turkomans—Suzians.
India—Importance of the Pamir as dividing racial types— Hindoos and Galchas—Affinities between Turkomans and the Alpine race . 5 : : : : : : : - 436-452
CHAPTER XVII. EUROPEAN ORIGINS: RACE AND LANGUAGE; THE ARYAN QUESTION.
The classical theory of an Aryan race—Importance of distinguish- ing race, language, and culture—Misconceptions due to their
CONTENTS. Xix
PAGE confusion—The Teutonic-Aryan school—The Gallic-Aryan theories.
Physical origins—Proof of secondary character of European races—Evidences of hair texture (map)—Lowest stratum of European population, long-headed and dark—Historical out- line of opinions—Reversal of earlier theories of Lappish ori- gins—The blond, long-headed, Teutonic type evolved by the influences of climate and artificial selection—Later appearance of the brachycephalic Alpine race, submerging its predecessor in many parts of Europe—Its Asiatic derivation doubtful—Dif- ficulties to be cleared up.
Linguistic origins—Two modes of study—Structure versus root words—The original Asiatic hypothesis—Its philological disproof—Arguments based upon other primitive languages of Africa and Asia—The Finnic theory—Attacks upon the “ Stammbaum”’ hypothesis—Net results of all observation— The second mode of research based upon root words—Its fun- damental defects—Variant conclusions among authorities— Impossibility of geographical localization of the Aryan centre.
453-485
CHAPTER XVIII. EUROPEAN ORIGINS (continued): RACE AND CULTURE.
The indigenous culture of western Europe described—Recent change of opinion respecting its origin—Outline of the con- troversy—The Hallstatt civilization in eastern Europe—lIts Oriental affinities—Situle as illustrating its culture in detail— The bronze and iron ages—Koban in the Caucasus—Olympia and Mycene—Human remains of the Hallstatt period—Their head form and racial affinities—Bronze culture and incinera- tion—Difficulties in the interpretation of data—The Hallstatt- ers probably of Mediterranean race—Comparison with the Umbrian people and those of the Lake Mwellings—The early civilizations in Italy—Their dual origin—Terramare and Pala- fitte—Umbrians and Etruscans—The cultural status of north- western Europe—Scandinavia consistently backward in civili- zation because of its remoteness and isolation—Extraneous origin of its people and culture—Its stone age unduly pro- tracted, attaining a wonderful development thereby—The bronze age—Its chronological development—Bearing of this evidence upon the Aryan theories of the school of Penka— General summary of the question of European origins—The necessity of careful distinction of the phenomena and prin- ciples of race, language, and culture again emphasized . 486-512
XxX
THE RACES OF EUROPE.
CHAPTER XIX.
SOCIAL PROBLEMS: ENVIRONMENT versus RACE.
Hereditary forces as distinct from environmental ones—Impor-
tance of the latter—Examples of the climatic influences in cotton manufacture—The racial explanation peculiar to the “ anthropo-sociologists ”—Examination of the social geog- raphy of France as compared with the phenomena of race— Divorce and domestic organization, in how far Teutonic (map) —Suicide as a racial characteristic (map)—Suicide in England also (map)—Correlative social phenomena, such as artistic and literary fecundity (maps)—Adequacy of purely environ- mental explanations—The social geography of Italy examined by the distribution of intellectuality, ete —Overwhelming im- portance of the social environment and density of population —Progressive and conservative societies compared—The vital criteria of civilization—Further examination of the social geography of France—Statistics of “home families” (map)— Intricate nature of the problem—Certain environmental factors in evidence—Comparison of Brittany and Normandy—Polit- ical aptitudes and proclivities—Radicals and conservatives in France—The election of 1885 (map)—Potency of the influence of isolation—Isolation and competition fundamentally opposed —The modern phase is competition, especially in urban life.
PAGE
513-536
CHAPTER XX.
MODERN SOCIAL PROBLEMS (continued): STRATIFICATION AND URBAN
SELECTION.
Mobility of population all over Europe—Currents of internal mi-
gration—Powerful trend toward the cities—Recent wonderful development of urban centres—Twofold attractions, economic and social—Depopulation of the country—A process of selec- tion at work—Hansen’s “three population groups ’—Vital versus psychic classes—The comparative increase and distri- bution of each—Peculiar long-headedness of urban populations —Ammon’s law—Universality of the phenomenon proved— Its claim to a purely racial explanation—Is the Teutonic type peculiarly an urban one?—Or is the process one of social selection alone?—Temperament of the Alpine and Teutonic types compared—The phenomenon of re-emigration—The stature of urban populations—Conflicting testimony, yet gen- eral deficiency in height indicated—The phenomenon of segre-
CONTENTS. Xxi
PAGE gation—Differentiation of the tall from the short—Social se- lection clearly proved in this respect—Relative brunetness of city populations almost universal—Brunetness as an index of vitality—Urban immigrants compared with urban “ per- sistents ”’—Pigmentation and forcee—Further proof of the ef- ficiency of social selection in this regard—Importance of the problem for the future . : ; ; : : : - 537-559
CHAPTER XXI.
ACCLIMATIZATION : THE GEOGRAPHICAL FUTURE OF THE EUROPEAN RACES.
Threefold aspects of the problem of climatic adaptation—Its bear- ing and significance as applied to tropical countries—Factors to be eliminated at the outset, such as change of habits of life, immorality, the choice of food, profession, or occupation, and finally race—Racial predispositions to disease—Consumption, syphilis, and alcoholism—The negro and Mongolian com- pared—Effects of racial intermixture—Vitality of half-breeds —Their lessened powers of resistance.
The physical elements of climate—Heat alone not a seri- ous obstacle—Humidity the important factor—Heat and dampness together—Advantages of a variety of seasons— Benefits of altitude—Relative value of parts of Africa.
Physiological effects of a change of climate—Rise of bodily temperature in relation to immunity from tropical diseases— True physiological adaptation a slow process—The results of hygiene and sanitation—The effect of tropical climates upon fecundity—Inadequacy of proofs of sterility—Comparative aptitudes of European peoples—The handicap of the Teutonic race—Comparison of opinions of authorities—Racial accli- matization a slow process—Two modes outlined for a prac- tical policy—Relative value and advantages of each described.
560-589
Special Bibliography of Acclimatization . : ; . 589-590 Appendix A. The cephalic index . ; ; ; : . 591-504 Appendix B. Blonds and brunets . ; : : ; - 504-505 Appendix C. Stature 595-596
Appendix D. Deniker’s classification of the races of Europe
(map) : ; : : : , F ; - 597-606 Appendix E. Traits as combined into types . 3 : . 606-607 Appendix F . : : : F : : : : : : . 608
General Index . i 4 ‘ ; - ‘ ‘ : . 609-624
LIST OF PORTRAIT TYPES
WITH ANTHROPOMETRIC DATA AND INDICATION OF ORIGIN.
Nore.—Figures refer to the separate portraits as individually numbered, six on a page. HEAD. LENGTH. BREADTH. Number. Millimetres. Millimetres. 1. Original ; loaned by Prof. Kollmann, of Basle....... 205 140 2. Original; loaned by Major Dr. Arbo, of Christiania .. 3. Original; loaned by Dr. Ammon, of Carlsruhe....... Ga ete 4. Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth....... 174 154 5. From Mantegazza and Sommier, 1880 b...... ...... 182 hg 6. Original ; loaned by Prof. de Lapouge, of Rennes... . 7-8. From de Ujfalvy, 1878-80, by permission............ g-10. From de Ujfalvy, 1878-’80, by permission............ 11-12. Original; from the Tashkend Album, by courtesy of the Royal Geographical Society ........0.. 5 ves. oa wae
13-14. Original ; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis........ 196 135
15-16. Original ; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis........ 202 146
17-18. From Verneau, in ]’Anthropologie, vi, 1895, p. 526... 1g. Original ; loaned by Dr. Arbo, of Christiania........
20. Original ; loaned by Dr. Arbo, of Christiania........ aye ag 21-22. Original; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth....... 179 158 23-24. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome...... 187 145
On page 123. From Ranke, Beitrage, v, 1883, plate iv On page 129. After Mahoudeau, 1893 .......-.----
25-26. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Collignon............ ah hes
27-28. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Collignon.. Spr nage te J 160
29-30. Original ; loaned by Prof. de Lapouge, of Stina
On page 142. From Hovelacque and Hervé, 1894 6
31-32. Original ; loaned by Prof. de Lapouge, of Rennes .
33-36. Original ; loaned by Prof. de Lapouge, of Rennes... ..
37-40. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Collignon...... .. .. mi os5
41-42. Original ; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis ........ 206 143
43-48. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Collignon ..... .....
Beene ron LG ATANZAGL, I BLO. . dae » oils c oo + ives os bom os
53-54. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Collignon............
55-58. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Arbo, of Christiania... ... rea 59. From Mantegazza and Sommier, 1880 b............. 175 153 60. From Mantegazza and Sommier, 1880 b............. 184 161
61-66. Original ; loaned by Major Dr. Arbo, of Christiania. .
xxiii
XXIV THE RACES OF EUROPE.
Heap. LENGTH. BREADTH. Number. Millimetres. Millimetres. 67-68. Original; loaned by Dr. Ammon, of Carlsruhe..... 200 I5I 69-70. Original ; loaned by Dr. Ammon, of Carlsruhe..... ee ante 71-72. Original; loaned by Dr. Ammon, of Carlsruhe..... 179 155 73-74. Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... 182 155 75-76. Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... 174 154 77-78. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoc..... .......
79-80. Original; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome.... 195 178 81-82. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome.... 188 157 83-84. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome.... 193 147 85-86. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome.... 189 156 87-88. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome.... 187 158 89-90. Original; loaned by Captain Dr. Livi, of Rome
On page 256. Original ; loaned by Captain Dr. Liv
OE ROME i ea ag Se evan woes wee 182 155
gi. Original; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis ...... 193 152 g2. Original ; loaned by Dr. Collignon (from his 1896 b) ... es 93-94. Original; loaned by Dr. Collignon................ 186 138
95-96. Loaned by Dr. Collignon. Original in his 1887 a.. 97-98. From Defregger's Aus Studienmappen deutscher Meister. (Courtesy of Prof. Kollmann.)......... 99. Original ; loaned by Prof. Kollmann, of Basle...... 100. Original; loaned by Dr. Beddoe ..............4.. inet fae Io1I-102. Original ; loaned by Prof. Kollman, of Basle ...... 205 140 On page 298. Original; loaned by Dr. De Man, of Middelburg; Hollands a erin. i So tes can 103-110. Original; loaned by the Anthropological Institute of. Great: Britain-and Areiand'ew. <tc acne see III-112. Original ; loaned by Prof. A. C. Haddon, of Cam- bridge University. Described in his 1897........ 113. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological Institute. .
114. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoe................. 197 152 115-119. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological Institute. . 120. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoe ..,.............. 121-126. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological Institute. . 127-128. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoc................. 129-131. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological tamlitate: : 132. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoc...........+...-+
133-134. Original ; loaned by Prof. A. C. Haddon (1893).... 198 163 135-136. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological Institute. .
137. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoe..............-- : 138. Original ; loaned by the Anthropological Institute. . 139-140. From Zograt, 1892:a...0 0.26 cece oe ce ses ven seers Tai-14e; From Zocrat, 18920 275 ossic een ay seca ee nee Sey 1ggekga. Fron Zograt. 2893 0) 5 us. cs sus cas we tan bas oes
145-146. Original ; loaned by Dr. Beddoe .... .....++.4-0
Number.
147-148. 149. 150.
151-152.
153-154.
155-156.
157-158.
159-162.
163-164.
165-166.
167-168.
169-170. EVI < a7,
173.
174. 175-176. 177-180. 181-186. 187-188. 189-192. 193-194. 195-196. 197-198. Ig9-210. 211-216. 217-218. 219-220. 221-222.
LIST OF PORTRAIT TYPES.
XXV
Heap.
LENGTH.
BREADTH.
Millimetres. Millimetres.
Original ; taken for me by Mr. David L. Wing .. Dea Original ; taken for me by Mr. David L. Wing .. 187 Original ; taken for me by Mr. David L. Wing .... 202 From Szombathy ; Mitt. Anth. Ges., Wien, xvi, p. 25 Prom A. N. Kharuzin, 1889, plate vv... c.gs- 3. OOMINICY. FOSQ) ais osre als re & stg a sere prom AN iC haruzin, T8q0 divas sss ssa ess eae PLO HOMIM AT, Th8O and OSs ss... one ae ees Loaned by Major Dr. Collignon. Original in ies TOOT Bier cas Original ; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis ...... 200 Original ; loaned by Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis ...... 192 From de Ujfalvy, 1878-80, by permission.......... Original ; loaned by Prof. de Lapouge, of Rennes. . Original ; loaned by Dr. S. Weissenberg, of Eliza- TDRUM is had Gas Senda tue see es nee eS Original; loaned by Major Dr. A. Weisbach, of MME, EOSIN SS oc a Asso ome ewe So eee Nene Original ; loaned by Dr. Weissenberg..........--- Original ; loaned by Dr. Achilles Rose, of New York Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... From F. Ritter von Luschan, 1889, by permission .. From A. N. Kharuzin, 1890 d, by permission....... From F. Ritter von Luschan, 1889, by permission . . : Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... 182 Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... 174 Original ; loaned by Dr. Janko, of Buda-Pesth..... From Chantre, 1885-87, vol. iv, by permission..... From F. Ritter von Luschan, 1889, by permission. . POMC DANITe: LOGS. uss easy ene Celta wre tence eis PeOnP AIO, LOOK sain ssa heise we lietele ease eee 180 rom: Dantlof, L894. fos oe Ss cniyn eg o's 0 ste cere 194
157 152
150 144
162 158
140 145
LIST OF MAPS AND DIAGRAMS.
PAGE
Dialects and languages; Spain and southwestern France. Original 18
Place names; British Isles i : 3 . ; : 2 Dues
Diagram of cephalic index; American college students . : Ae |S,
Cephalic index; world map. Original . ; ; : ‘ P22
Head form; Europe. Original . i : : ; ey SALE ee
Colour of skin; world map. : ; ‘ ; ; aes.
Relative frequency of brunet traits; fou. Original . ; PE 3
Stature of adult males; world map. Original . ‘ ; E ae
Stature in Limousin . ; A : : ‘ : ‘ : ie
Stature and health in Finisterre (two maps) . : : ‘ ee
Average stature; Europe. Original . : ? : . facmg 06
. Stature in Lower Brittany . : : ‘ : ; : : S100
} Stature in Austrian Tyrol . > : : : : : i PCO.
L Diagram. Percentage distribution of stature . : : : . 108
Diagrams. Seriation of cephalic index . . . . . I15, 116
: Physical geography of France . : ‘ ; : ; : Pala i
Repnemc iogex: France and Belgium © 2 9." 2 4 ee
Stature; France . : ; i : ; : ; ; ‘ 2) eg
Brunetness; France. ; y : ; ; ‘ : i ee = 3
_ Average stature; France... er yen een
: Cephalic index; Normandy and Brittany : ; ; : ‘ Be 3 |
Place names; Normandy and Brittany . : i : ; saris I eeu gue elevation; Belgium =... ee a ee
RE Pb ae Melati. 06k A a Sm tres biota tee ee 162. Cephalic index; southwestern France. ? ; : Me er
a i Ree ren aD, ke oe
xxviii “THE RACES-OF EUROPE. ==
bck’ pee
* F PAGE ae a FE Cephalic index; Norway . : 3 ; ; eee a 2 ZOOL een Stature; Norway . : ; i ‘ ae ; : Pere eh Stature; Sweden . : : : ; : ; ‘ ; ‘ ~ gO ; Physical geography of Germany 5 : : : ; 3 See oi a Relative frequency of brunet types; Germany . ¢ ve <afacing 2222 _ Stature; northwestern Germany : ; : ; : : nee2s Stature; Bavaria . : : ewe ; : : ; ; ® 227 Head form; Austria and Salzburg . : ’ : : : ae ‘ Head form in Baden and Alsace-Lorraine : : 2 : meee 3G0 Head form and dialects in Wtrtemberg . A : ; : ; 233 Average stature; Baden and Alsace-Lorraine . : : ; . 236 Plan of Slavic long village : : ; ; : ; : . 240 Plan of Slavic round village. 3 ( : ; ji : Pepe", Plan of Germanic village . parece : E % ; : Se 2ar Settlements and village types; Germany . : é : : e242 Physical geography of Italy ; : : ; ; ‘ ‘ (ie ke Cephalic index; Italy . : ; : : : : he ict Relative frequency of brunet traits; Tely i 4 ; ; 35S Relative frequency of tall stature; Italy . : : i : LES Cephalic index; Liguria and vicinity : ‘ : ; : gress: Umbrian period; Italy ; : 3 : : : : : . 264 Etruscan period; Italy : P 5 . : feo 4 eee Cephalic index; Spain : ; : d 4 4 : : Be Average stature; Spain. : 3 : : : i pees Relative brunetness; Switzerland. : : 3 ; : . 284 Average stature; Switzerland. Original . Ree a ; ‘ 212255 R Blond type; Berne . , ; ‘ : : : ; . 288: 4 Head form in the Austrian Tyrol. Original . ; : ‘ os eee ae Cephalic index; Netherlands. Original . f ‘ ‘ : PA266 = Physical geography of the British Isles . i ; ; [pa ae Cephalic index; British Isles. Original . } : : f . 304 Place names; British Isles . : : n ‘ : ; : Bers Relative brunetness; British Isles. : A ; : : ASte Average stature of adult males; British Isles . : : . Fe os Cephalic index; eastern Europe. Original. we POR BAe Stature; Russia . : ‘ : ; . : : ae oo a
Stature; Austria-Hungary . ; ; ; A : : Ree Ge. Head form; Finns and Mongols in Russia. Original . facing , Geographical distribution of Jews. ; ‘ + : ; Sture-° Poland, 45). 0 17 it ae ; ‘Average stature of Poles: Wate oe
il status: Warsaw ‘ é s of the Balkan Parneule
429 Cephalic mcex; Caucasia, Original 30g a ee ee - Texture Or vai: world map (00) ose pe ee 2 ee _ Frequency of divorce; France. Original ; ‘ : : ae See :
Ops Bi imicide; Fiance: oe 2 AS ec ee ee Drrenaity of suicide: England © 0° 0 Age a a Distribution of awards of the Paris Salon; France . : ; eee Relative frequency of men of letters by birthplace in France . 2x Say Families inhabiting separate dwellings; France. ; ; oe Rat Political representation in the Chamber of Deputies; France,
1885. Original . : ; ; wee aie ie aoe een a
Deniker’s races de l'Europe. : : ; ; : é . 509
rae ee epee F. oot
Pope teed
nee me A
ae
LIST OF PORTRAIT PAGES.
FACING PAGE
Series of head-form types . ; : ; : : : i ne fe (8. Broad-headed Asiatic types : : : : : : ; 44, 45 Long-headed African types : : : ‘ : : af 44, 45 The three European races . ‘ i : : ; : : fuse French types : s ! : : : : ; : Rita ecb ha 6, Cro-Magnon types. ; af ; g : : : : Ae Gs French Basques . 4 ? : ; E : ‘ ; : SOs Spanish and French Basques. : ; ; 4 ‘ ; . 200 Scandinavian types: Norwegians and Lapps . : ; ; Se ZOO Norwegian Teutonic types. : F : : ; ; : Be a German types. A : ‘ ; ; ; : . i, 218 Austrians and Hungarians. : : ; ; p : é 225 Italian types é ; i ; ; / aly 270 North Africans: Berbers and Kabyles ies ats : ; : Rey 2 Swiss and Tyrolese types . ; : i : : : 52200 Shetland Island “‘ Black-Breed”’ types. : ; ; ; on S02 Old Britons : ; i : : ; : : ; . 308, 309 Blond Anglo-Saxon types. : ; ‘ ; : : . 308, 309 Welsh and Jutish types. ; - , : : ‘ 3 ip ALO The three Scotch varieties . : ; i : : : é Batic les Various British and Irish types P 3 : : , i aS Ae, Great Russians . ; : ; f : ‘ : | ; enads Blond Finno-Teutonic types. % } : 4 ‘ ; se SAS Mongol types ; : : : ? ; F : ‘ : i358 Eastern Finns and Tatars . ; ; : : ; ‘ ‘ . 364 African Semitic types . ; : ‘ : ; ; : ‘ 987
Xxxi
xxxii ee * Jewish types < : ;
Greeks, Roumanians, and Bulgarians
Turks: Asia Minor. : Magyars: Hungary . ;
Caucasian mountaineers .
Caucasian types . : Armenoid types: Asia Minor
: Iranian types: Persian, Kurd, and Tatar
Nore.—Footnotes in this volume give, wherever possible, the pagina- tion according to the original publication. — In cases of bibliographical disagreement, page numbers have been taken from reprints separately
and independently paged.
| ‘THE RACES OF EUROPE. —
wie RACES OF Pune
CHAPTER: i:
CORRIGENDA.
Page 54, second footnote should read Bertholon, 1891.
Page 81, third footnote should be Zampa, 1886 a.
Page 81, third footnote should read Kopernicki, 1889, p. 50.
Page 85, third line from bottom, should read on page 86.
Page 106, third footnote should be Beddoe 1867-69 a, reprint, p. 171.
Page 106, fifth footnote should read Collignon, 1890 a, reprint, Pit:
Page 124, footnote, should be Lagneau, 7873 ¢ and 1879 b.
Page 208, seventh line, should be spelled Jaderen.
Page 358, second footnote should be 1895 B, p. 70.
Page 428, eighteenth line, should read, the Slavs were of fair com- plexion.
Page 433, tenth line, should be, portraits at page 364.
Pages 462 and 466, footnotes, should be spelled Schaaffhausen.
Page 523, second line, should read, their best friends, ete.
De ee ee ee ee a ee ee very \esweseeve
3 I
Jewish types eee ae ae Greeks, Roumanians, and Bulgarians. Tikes Asia Minor.) 6° see Magyars: Hungary . ; ‘ : Caucasian mountaineers - - - - Caucasmd Pes oe es ( : Armenoid types: Asia Minor. : : Iranian types: Persian, Kurd, and Tatar .
BS * ty f 20
ate RACES OF Pinar.
CHAPTER ‘ft.
INTRODUCTION:
9
“HuMAN history,” says Taine in the introduction to his History of English Literature, “may be resolved into three factors—environment, race, and epoch.” This epigrammatic statement, while superficially comprehensive, is too simple to be wholly true. In the first place, it does not distinguish be- tween the physical environment, which is determined inde- pendently of man’s will, and that social environment which he unconsciously makes for himself, and which in turn re- acts upon him and his successors in unsuspected ways. The second factor, race, is even more indefinite to many minds, Heredity and race may be oftentimes synonymous in respect of physical characteristics; but they are far from being so with reference to mental attributes. Race, properly speak- ing, is responsible only for those peculiarities, mental or bodily, which are transmitted with constancy along the lines of direct physical descent from father to son. Many mental traits, aptitudes, or proclivities, on the other hand, which reappear persistently in successive populations may be derived from an entirely different source. They may have descended collater- ally, along the lines of purely mental suggestion by virtue of mere social contact with preceding generations. Such char- acteristics may be derived by the individual from uncles, neighbours, or fellow-countrymen, as well as from father and mother alone. Such is the nature of tradition, a very distinct
3 ; I
2 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
factor in social life from race.* It is written in history, law, and literature; it is no less potent, though unwritten, in na- tional consciousness, in custom and folklore. M. Taine’s third factor, epoch, what the Germans call the Zeitgeist— the spirit of the times, the fashion of the hour—is perhaps the most complex of all. A product of the social environ- ment, it is yet something more than this. There may be a trace of tradition in it, a dash of race; to these being added the novel impulses derived from immediate contact with one’s fellow-men. This means something different from slavish imi- tation of the past; it generally arises from a distinct desire for self-assertion in opposition to it. Style in literature, schools of art, fashions in dress, fads, parties in politics, panic in the mob—all alike spring from the imitative instinct in man. If his imitation be of the past, we term it custom, conserva- tism, tradition; if imitation of his present fellow-men—re- ciprocal suggestion, or what Giddings terms “ like-minded- ness "—it generates what we call the spirit of the times.
Human society is indeed an intricate maze of forces such as these, working continually in and through each other. The simplest of these influences is perhaps that of the physical environment, the next being race. The task before us is to disentangle these last two, so far as possible, from the com- plex of the rest, in all that concerns Europe; and to analyze them separately and apart, as if for the moment the others were non-existent.
The history of the quasi-geographical study of environment as a factor in human history and progress may roughly be divided into three periods, conditioned by the rise and vary- ing fortunes of the evolutionary hypothesis.| This first of these periods preceded the appearance of Darwin’s Origin of
* Bertillon distinguishes this from the ‘‘mesologic” influences of environment as ‘‘hereditary social forces” (De I’Influence des Milieux, Bull. Soc. d’Anth., 1872, p. 711).
+ For additional references and details, consult our Geography and Sociology in Political Science Quarterly, x, 1895, pp. 636-655, with bibliography.
INTRODUCTION. 3
Species. Its great representatives were Ritter, Guyot, and Alexander von Humboldt. They completed the preliminary work of classification and description in geography which Agassiz, Owen, Prichard, and Dawson performed in other kindred natural sciences. The results of all these system- atists were subject to the same limitation—namely, the lack of a general co-ordinating principle.’ They perceived the order of natural phenomena, but explained it all on the teleological basis. Africa and Asia were practically unknown; no sciences of anthropology or sociology had accumulated data; and the speculations as to human affairs of these earlier geographers, therefore, were necessarily of a very indefinite, albeit praiseworthy, nature. From lack of proper material they were constrained merely to outline general principles. Whenever details were attempted, they were too often apt to lead to discouraging absurdities. Price’s “?® theory that the black eyes of the Welsh peasantry were due to the prevalence of smoke from their coal fires is a case in point. The only other studies of a similar nature in this early period were those of Quetelet and Bernard Cotta. These were, to be sure, defi- nite and specific; they contained to. some degree the ideas of mass and average, but they were each limited to a narrow field of investigation.
The literature produced in the period just noticed was exclusively continental. The decade following 1859, which we may call the probational period for the doctrine of evolu- tion, at first promised well for the extension of geographical studies into the English field. Ritter’s works were received with great favour in translations, and Guyot’s Lowell Lectures awakened intense interest in America. No one thought of the lurking danger for the teleological idea. But suddenly “the gloomy and scandalous” theories of Thomas Buckle’s History of Civilization cast a deep shade over the field; the alarm awakened by the lectures of Vogt and the claims of Darwin and Huxley as to man’s origin became intensified ; and the sudden outburst all over Europe of interest in an- thropological studies excited new fears. Moreover, the younger advocates of the doctrine of environmental influence
|
4 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
in human affairs insisted upon taking the apparently harmless general principles of the founders of modern geography and carrying them out into all details of social life. Long before the proper data existed, Buckle, Crawfurd, Pellarin, and their fellows tried in vain to imitate the precision of the older and exact natural sciences. It must be confessed also that the exaggerated claims of the economists and the generalizations of the utilitarian philosophers also contributed in some de- gree to bring the study of physical environment as a factor in social life into disrepute.
Uprooted in England, the new environmental hypotheses found on the Continent a congenial soil, that had long been prepared for their reception by Bodin, Montesquieu, and Quetelet. Cuvier had not hesitated to trace the close rela- tion borne by philosophy and art to the underlying geological formations. The French inclination to materialism offered a favourable opportunity for the propagation of the environ- mental doctrines. They were kept alive in anthropology by Bertillon pére and Perier; in literature by Taine; and in the study of religions by Renan. It appears to be true that where the choice lies between heredity and environment, the French almost always prefer the latter as the explanation for any phenomenon. In Germany during this second period the earlier work of Cotta and Kohl was continued by Peschel, Kirchhoff, and Bastian, and in later days with especial bril- liancy by Ratzel.
The last decade has witnessed a marked revival of inter- est among English scholars in the study of the environmental influences which play upon man individually and upon human society at large. Buckle’s errors have been forgiven. An- tagonism to the doctrine of evolution has passed away. A new phase of geographical research—in short, its purely human aspects—is now in high favour among historians and students of social affairs. The apostles of the movement have been the late historian Freeman and the eminent author of The American Commonwealth.* Payne, in his History of the
* An interesting sketch of the geographical work of Mr. Freeman will be found in the Geographical Journal, London, for June, 1892. The
INTRODUCTION. 5
New World called America, has shed a flood of new light upon an old theme by the appeal to environmental factors. Justin Winsor, in The Mississippi Basin, shows the geographical idea logically developed “ with such firm insistence and with such happy results that he almost seems to have created a science for which as yet we have no name—which is capable of development even to the predictive stage,” to quote the words of a reviewer. The movement has even invaded the sacred precincts of biblical literature in Smith’s Geography of the Holy Land, which is in itself a wonderfully suggestive commentary upon the influence of physical environment dur- ing the course of Jewish history.
The real significance of this tendency in historical writing lies not in its novelty, for it merely revives an old idea; but in the fact that the initiative comes this time from the historians rather than from the geographers or the economists. Geog- raphy has heretofore appeared in the guise of a suppliant for recognition at court. The burden of proof in maintaining the value of geographic science for the historian and sociolo- gist has therefore rested mainly in the past upon the geogra- phers and students of purely natural science. Notwithstand- ing all manner of discouragement, however, Wallace, Geikie, Strachey, Mill, Keltie, and others have at last succeeded in making their claims good, both in the English universities and in the learned world outside as well. The tendency to broaden the scope of economics and the new interest in soci- ology have together served as an encouragement. Cliffe- Leslie and Roscher pointed the way; Meitzen, Ravenstein, and Kirchhoff brought the use of statistics to its aid; until to-day geography stands ready to serve as an introduction, as well as a corrective, to the scientific study of human society.
The geography that is attracting the attention of historians
province of geography in its relation to history is also discussed by him in the Methods of Historical Study; and his uncompleted History of Sicily shows the extreme development of the ideas found in his Historical Geography of Europe. Despite this tendency, we find a late reviewer (Nation, July 18, 1895, p. 50) declaring that ‘‘after all his everlasting insistence on the great external facts of the history of the Western world, [he] erred chiefly in going no further.”
BSD scnatinnt
6 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
to-day is that which is defined by Gonner as “the study of the environment of man.” It is the geography of Guyot and Ritter, stimulated and enlightened by the sciences of anthro- pology, archeology, sociology, and even statistics. No one of these contributory branches of investigation antedates the middle of this century. Call it “ physiography,” defined by Huxley as the science of man in relation to the earth; as dis- tinct from geography, the science of the earth in its relations to man: “ anthropo-geography,” with Ratzel: or even “ histo- geography,’ as some one has proposed. These names all convey the same general meaning. It is neither political, commercial, administrative, nor economic geography; it is something more than the science of the distribution of races. It overlaps and includes them all. It is not merely descriptive. It is able to formulate definite laws and principles of its own. In fact, geography in any of the familiar senses, is, after all, only a single element in this new field of research. It repre- sents primarily the attempt to explain the growing convic- tion, so well expressed by Giddings, that “ civilization is at bottom an economic fact.”
The scope and purpose of this new phase of geography— the study of physical environment in its influence upon man— are certain and well defined. It is a branch of economics, with a direct bearing upon both history and sociology. “It is the point of contact,” observes Bryce,* “ between the sci- ences of Nature taken all together and the branches of in- quiry which deal with man and his institutions. Geography gathers up, so to speak, the results which the geologist, the botanist, the zodlogist,+ and the meteorologist have obtained, and presents them to the student of history, of economics, of politics—and, we might even add, of law, of philology, and of architecture—as an important part of the data from which
* Cf. The Relations of History and Geography, Contemporary Re- view, xlix, pp. 426-443; also, The Migrations of the Races of Men considered Historically, ibid., lxii, pp. 128-149, reprinted in Smithsonian Reports, 1893, p 567.
+ See Payne’s masterly discussion, in his History of America, of the influence of the zodlogical poverty of the Western hemisphere upon Aztec civilization.
INTRODUCTION. 7
he must start, and of the materials to which he will have to refer at many points in the progress of his researches.” By reason of its very comprehensiveness, this study of geogra- phy may be entitled, perhaps, merely a mode of sociological investigation, allied to the graphical method in statistics. Thus Schiffner exemplifies it in treating of the relations be- tween geography and jurisprudence.* ‘Every relation of life,” he says, “ which exists upon the earth and which may be plotted upon a map belongs, in one sense, to geography.” Mill’s definition, that “ geography is the science of distribu- tion,” expresses the same idea. In this sense we have ap- plied it to all manner of social phenomena in our subsequent chapters on Social Problems. Economic tendencies may be illustrated by it.+ In linguistics and ethnology there is no limit to its suggestiveness.{ In the analysis of political phe- nomena, in tracing the migrations of civilization—in fact, in almost every branch of science—the value of this mode of statistical or cartographical investigation is bound to become more and more fully recognised.
In every science which deals with man we may discover some trace of a division of opinion, similar to that which is responsible for the great controversy in which the biologists have recently been engaged. Two schools of investigators almost everywhere appear. One of these attaches the great- est importance to race, to transmitted characteristics or hered- ity; while the other regards this factor as subordinate to the influences of environment. This antagonism is clearly marked in the science of physical anthropology, and especially, for example, in the discussions over the causes of variations in stature among the different populations of the world. In the early days, when race was an adequate explanation for every-
* Ueber die Wechsel-Beziehungen zwischen der geographischen und der Rechts-Wissenschaft (Mitt. Geog. Gesell., Wien, 1874, pp. 100-113). Schroeder’s Erliuterung zur Rechtskarte von Deutschland, Petermann Geog. Mitt., xvi, 1870, Tafel 7.
+ Ashley, Introduction to English Economic History, ii, p. 304.
¢ Gerland’s Atlas der Vélkerkunde, for example.
te
8 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
_ thing, the problem was, simple. But since the doctrine of
evolution has shaken faith in what Cliffe-Leslie * terms “ the vulgar theory of race,” another competent explanation is to be found in the mere influence of outward circumstances. Too often, however, the choice between these two possible causes of the phenomenon, or their relative importance when both are recognised as effective, will vary, in absence of more definite proof, with the personal bias of the observer. Thus in France we find among the advocates of environmental influence Villermé, Sanson, Bertillon, Durand de Gros, Boudin, and De Quatrefages; while Broca, Lagneau, and Topinard as strenuously maintain the priority of racial factors. Endless examples of such diversity of opinion might be given: In Italy it is Pagliani and Sormani versus Cortese and Lom- broso; in Switzerland, Dunant versus Carret; in Germany, to a lesser degree perhaps, Ranke versus Virchow; and in Russia, Zograf versus Anutchin and Erismann. Fortunately, however, there is in anthropology a tendency among all the later authorities—Beddoe, Collignon, Livi, and others—to admit both causes as alike efficient according to circum- stances.
The predisposition of observers to take these opposing views on the same or similar evidence in respect of social phenomena, may be shown by a few illustrations chosen at random. It appears at once in all discussions over the vari- ous forms of village community and of architectural types in Europe. Thus Meitzen “®», as we shall see later, divides Ger- many into several sections, dominated respectively by what he terms the German, the Celtic, the Roman, and the Slavic type of village. In comparing these, the haphazard grouping of dwellings in the Germanic village is sharply contrasted with the regular arrangement in the Slavic community, - with its houses about a central court or along a straight street: and the regular division of the land into hides (Hufenverfassung) owned in severalty, which characterizes the German type, is as sharply differentiated from the holding of lands in com-
* Fortnightly Review, xvi, 1874, p. 736.
i
INTRODUCTION. 9
mon among the Slavs. Distinct from each in many respects is the Celtic type, which rules in South Germany and Bohe- mia. Approaching the subject in this way, the statistician may help in solving the vexed question of the origins of these populations, provided the village types are the constant accom- paniment of certain racial types. But if these differences are merely the result of local circumstances, all their ethnological significance vanishes, and their study becomes of importance merely for purposes of reform or administration. In a similar investigation in France, the predilection for environmental explanations has apparently led to this latter conclusion.* Apply this method of reasoning to Germany. May not the utter lack of variety in the quality of plots for cultivation in the open plains inhabited by the Slavs, have led to habits of communal ownership, which are perpetuated in a new land through the selection of localities for habitation where such customs may persist unchanged? May not even the laws of inheritance be affected by the environment in the sandy sterile regions, to the end that primogeniture, and not equal division of the land among heirs, may be the only form of inheritance which will survive? Is not emigration of all the children but one a physical necessity? These are some of the questions which the geologist Cotta would answer in the affirmative, + and Baring-Gould acquiesces in his opinion.t The truth, probably, is a mean between these extremes, but in the ab- sence of some recognised criterion our judgment will depend to a great extent upon personal predilections. Precisely the same conflict of opinion may prevent a final acceptance of some of the theories of Gomme with regard to the early in- habitants of Great Britain; for we may emphasize the ethnic
* Enquéte sur les Conditions de l’Habitation en France. Les Maisons Types. Min. de l’In. Pub., des Beaux-Arts et des Cultes, Paris, 1894. Introduction by A. de Foville. Vide pp. 9-18, especially.
+ Deutschlands Boden, sein Geologischer Bau und dessen Einwirkung auf das Leben des Menschen, Leipzig, 1858. In part ii, p. 63 e¢ seg., the geological factor in the distribution of the village community in Germany is fully discussed.
¢ History of Germany, p. 74.
10 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
element, as he is inclined to do, or we may prefer to inter- pret the form of the village more nearly in terms of environ- ment, as does the geologist Tapley.*
A distinction must be made at this point between social and physical environment. This is especially important be- cause it is closely related to a further distinction between the direct and the indirect effects of the milieu. Thus, that in general under a system of peasant proprietorship, the size of agricultural holdings should be larger on an infertile soil than on rich bottom lands, is a direct result of environment ; for the size of holdings tends to vary according to their ca- pacity for giving independent support to a household. But the influence of environment is no less important, even though less direct, when the infertile region produces social isola- tion, and thereby generates a conservative temperament which resists all attempts at a subdivision of the patrimony.t The result—a holding above the average size—is in each case the same; and the ultimate cause, although in the second instance working indirectly, is physical environment.
The importance of emphasizing the distinction between the direct and the indirect influence of environment lies. in the fact that with advance in culture it is the latter, subtler aspect of the milieu which becomes progressively of greater impor- tance. All students would agree with Spencer that “ feeble unorganized societies are at the mercy of their surroundings ” ; or with Kidd, that “the progress of savage man, such as it is, is born strictly of the conditions in which he lives.” Na- ture sets the life lines for the savage in climate; she deter- mines his movements, stimulates or restrains his advance in culture by providing or withholding the materials necessary for such advance. The science of primitive ethnology is a
* The Village Community in Great Britain, p. 133 e¢ seg., and Jour- Anth. Inst., iii, p. 32 e¢ seg., especially p. 45. All of the references on this subject are accompanied by diagrams, maps, or illustrations. The peculiarities of land tenure in the south Midland and other counties may likewise be the product of a double set of causes.
+ This is the cause assigned by Cliffe-Leslie for certain peculiarities in land tenure in parts of France. Fortnightly Review, xvi, p. 740.
INTRODUCTION. II
constant illustration of this fact even in the smallest details.* It is only when we come to study peoples in more advanced stages of culture that we find environment marking the line of cleavage between two opposing views. One set of think- ers—Ward, for example, in his Dynamic Sociology +—affirms that at a certain point natural selection seizes upon mind as the dominant and vital factor in progress. Society passes from the “ natural ” to the “ artificial” stage. Based upon this thesis, the study of environment, and even of race, becomes more and more retrospective—even, so to speak, archzo- logical.
The opponents of this optimistic view take the ground that civilization is merely a result of adaptation to environment, physical as well as political. Once more to quote Mr. Bryce: “The very multiplication of the means at his [man’s] dis- posal for profiting by what Nature supplies, brings him into ever closer and more complex relations with her. The vari- ety of her resources, differing in different regions, prescribes the kind of industry for which each spot is fitted; and the competition of nations, growing always keener, forces each to maintain itself in the struggle by using to the utmost every facility for the production or for the transportation of products.” t
It would be easy to multiply examples of the effect of progress in thus compelling specialization—the utilization of each advantage to the last degree—thus illustrating the force of environment even in the highest civilization. When the vine was introduced into California the settlers tried to cul- tivate it in the north and in the south, along the rivers and on the hillsides, near the coast and in the interior. The grape rapidly took root and grew, but its very prosperity in some
* This is ingeniously worked out by Shaler in his Nature and Man in North America.
+ Cf. Patten’s Theory of Social Forces, in his discussion of race and physical environment,
¢ A new chapter on this subject added to the third edition of The American Commonwealth, ii, p. 450. The same view is well expressed by Strachey in Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc., xxi, p. 209 et seg.; by Geikie in ibid., 1879, p. 442, and in Macmillan’s Magazine for March, 1882.
12 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
places threatened its culture in others.* Some valleys soon proved too hot to produce wine which would sell in com- petition with the best; some soils were too heavy, others too moist. Certain regions produced sherries, while others served better for port wines. To insure success, the conditions had to be most diligently investigated each year, and it was pre- cisely because all were successful that specialization was bound to follow as a matter of course.
A similar example is the progressive differentigden in agriculture taking place all over the United States to-day. Once it was possible to point to the corn, cotton, wheat, and rye belts, and to show a massing of each crop, regardless of local circumstances. But, in virtue of the severe international competition, these great aggregations of similar crops are breaking up, and local specialization is the rule.+ It is pre- cisely because nearly all Japan is favoured as a silk-producing country that her best silk culture is forced to localize itself.f Less than a quarter of a century ago a difference of an inch in the length of the cotton staple was of slight importance; _ but in 1894, with improved manufactures, Egypt found a ready _ market in the United States—the home of cotton—for thirty-
five million pounds of her product. The same principle holds true of mechanical industry. When the manufacture of cot- ton was introduced into the United States it was indiscrimi- nately prosecuted wherever there were water power and labour. At last it was perceived that climatic influences were of great importance in the finer fabrics, and to-day there are indications that the work of this grade is tending to localize itself along the south shore of New England.* Here, again, it is not any lack of ability to manufacture in the less favoured spots, but the conspicuous advantages in the new localities, that finally produce the new results. Each advance in skill makes the influence of local peculiarities more keenly felt. In short, we have here merely another illustration of the eco-
* Fortnightly Review, vol. liii, p. 401 ef seg. + Publications Amer. Stat. Assoc., December, 1893, p. 492 e¢ seg. ¢ Jour. Royal Geog. Soc., xl, p. 340.
# New York Evening Post, March 30, 1895.
a
INTRODUCTION. 13
nomic advantages of division of labour. Viewed in this wise, environment assumes a greater measure of importance with each increment of progress and civilization. The fact seems to us to be incontestable.
With all its possibilities, this study of physical environ- ment must at the outset clearly recognise its own limitations, arising from the power of purely historical elements, of per-
sonality, of religious enthusiasm, and of patriotism. By all. | the laws of geographical probability, England’s historical | influence on France ought to have been greatest in Nor- | mandy, while in reality Aquitaine was the centre of English © continental activity. That Yorkshire and not Kent should | to-day exhibit the strongest infusion of Norman blood in —
England is also a geographical anomaly. Again, take the following case in connection with the distribution of popula-
tion: In _ Brittany a primitive, non-absorbent rock formation }
affords numerous natural reservoirs to hold the abundant rains, and the population is scattered broadcast in little ham- lets. In the department of the Marne, on the other hand, where a calcareous soil quickly absorbs the scanty rainfall, the people are bunched about the springs and rivers. Ac- cordingly, the two districts differ widely in their percentages
of urban population and in all the social characteristics de-'
pendent thereon.* It would seem as if the relation of geo- logical and social conditions here discovered might be formu- lated into a general law, through which the course of settle- ment in a new country might be predicted. But the United States promptly sets such a law at defiance. For here it is
-
on the primitive rock formations, in the area of plentiful rains, | that the New England village is at home. It is in the drier
areas of the West, and even on their clayey soils, that popu-
lation is most widely scattered. Thus the force of custom and tradition proves itself fully able to withstand for a time the’
limitations of physical conditions. Yet, even if it does not reach the grade of a predictive science, the study of the miliew can not be neglected. One
* For illustrations in detail, see Levasseur, Bulletin de l’Inst. Internat. de Statistique, iii, liv. 3 (1888), p. 73.
14
of its aims will always be “to discover whether the development of a people is in harmony with its enviro and, if not, whether it is a plus or minus factor in progres Viewed in this light, geography derives a new significance — from the standpoint of human interests. It deserves a primary place in all departments of ‘research which have to do with man or with his institutions. This we hope to be able to prove in detail for the continent of Europe.
ee
CHAPTER II.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE.
THE historian of The Norman Conquest of England was very fond of contrasting the east and the west of Europe. He maintained that the political unrest which underlies the East- ern question was partly due to the utter lack of physical assimilation among the people of the Balkan states; that, in other words, nationality had no foundation in race. This was undoubtedly true to some extent; and yet even in the west the formation of these boasted nationalities is so recent that it accords but slightly with the lines of physical descent. All over the continent there exist radical differences of blood be- tween the closest neighbours, su that the west is merely a step in advance of the east after all. It is a trite observation that all over Europe population has been laid down in differ- ent strata more or less horizontal. In the east of Europe this stratification is recent and distinct. West of the Austro-Hun- garian Empire the primitive layers have become metamor- phosed, to borrow a geological term, by the fusing heat of nationality and the pressure of civilization. The population of the east of Europe structurally is as different from that of the west to the naked eye as, to complete our simile, sand- stone is from granite; nevertheless, despite their apparent homogeneity, on analysis we may still read the history of these western nations by the aid of natural science from the purely physical characteristics of their people alone.
To the ordinary observer a uniform layer of population is spread over the continent as waters cover the earth. In real- ity, while apparently at rest, this great body of men reveals
15
16 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
itself to-day in constant motion internally ; * for population is as certain to follow social and economic opportunity as water is to run down hill. Currents and counter-currents sweep hither and thither, some rising and others falling, with now and then a quiet pool or eddy where alone population is really in a quiescent state. These movements are not transient. Some, to be sure, may be of local and special origin, but others are due to the operation of great natural causes. These latter have been at work for centuries, determined by the un- changing economic character and the geography of the con- tinent. They are shifting suddenly now with modern indus- trial life, but they have persisted until the present through generations. Proof of this antiquity we have; since, where Nature has isolated little pools of population, we may still find men with an unbroken ancestral lineage reaching back to a time when the climate, the flora and fauna of Europe were far different from those which prevail to-day. This may be shown, not by historical documents, for these men antedate all written history; but by physical traits which are older than institutions and outlast them all as. well.
This varied population, as we see it to-day, is in its racial composition the effect of a long train of circumstances, his- torical upon the surface, social it may be in part, but at bot- tom also geographical. From the study of this population as it stands, and from the migrations even now going on within it, we may analyze these permanent environmental influences— many of which have hitherto been neglected by students of institutions—which have been operative for centuries, and which have persisted in spite of political events or else have indirectly given rise to them. Progress in social life has not been cataclysmic; it has not taken place by kangaroo-leaps of political or social reforms on paper; but it has gone on slowly, painfully perhaps, and almost imperceptibly, by the constant pressure of slight but fixed forces. Our problem is to exam- ine certain of these fundamental mainsprings of movement,
* Ravenstein, 1885, for the British Isles, and Rauchberg, 1893, for Austria-Hungary, give interesting graphical representations of these undercurrents of migration at the present time.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE. .- 17
especially the influence of the physical environment; and to do it by means of the calipers, the measuring tape, and the colour scale. Science proceeds best from the known present to the remote past, in anthropology as in geology or astron- omy. The study of living men should precede that of the dead. This shall be our method. Fixing our attention upon the present population, we shall then be prepared to inter- pret the physical migrations and to some extent the social movements which have been going on for generations in the past.
Let us at the outset_avoid the error of confusing com- munity of Tanguage | with identity of race.* Nationality may often follow linguistic boundaries, but race bears no necessary relation whatever to them. Two essentials of political unity are bound up in identity of language: namely, the necessity of a free interchange of ideas by means of a common mental circulating medium; and, secondly, the possession of a fund of common traditions in history or literature. The first is largely a practical consideration ; the second forms the subtle essence of nationality itself. For these reasons we shall find language corresponding with political affiliations far more often than with ethnic boundaries. Politics may indeed be- come a factor in the physical sense, especially when re-enforced by language. It can not be denied that assimilation in blood often depends upon identity of speech, or that political fron- tiers sometimes coincide with a racial differentiation of popu- lation. The canton of Schaffhausen lies north of the Rhine, a deep inset into the grand duchy of Baden, yet its people, though isolated from their Swiss countrymen across the river, are intensely patriotic. In race as in political affairs they are distinctly divided from their immediate German neighbours.
* A full discussion of this point is offered by Broca, 1862c; Sayce, 1875 ; Freeman, 1879; and in the brilliant essay on Race and Tradition, in Darmesteter, 1895. See also Taylor, 1890, p. 204. .The first protest against the indiscriminate use of the word ‘‘ race” came from Edwards, 1829, in his letters to Thierry, author of the Histoire des Gaulois. It led to the foundation of the first Société d’Ethnologie at Paris as a result.
4
18 THE RACES OF EUROPE. ; ;
Mentally holding to the Swiss people, they have unconsciously preserved or generated during three hundred years of polit- ical union a physical individuality akin to them as well.* Thus it is possible that a sense of nationality once aroused may become an active factor through selection in the anthropo- logical sense. Nevertheless, this phenomenon requires more time than most political history has at its disposition, so that
DIALECTS = gett
Hi ill y
AND i ti Mi TH Tp al M) uf { Il
JANGVAGES Qh
kee e's POLITICAL BOVNDARIES
BASOVE PLACE NAMES. AASONE. Fi ess =
BASOVE PLACE NAMES er] AND SPEEGH. .
in the main our proposition remains true. Despite the polit- ical hatred of the French for the German, no appreciable effect : in a physical sense has yet resulted, nor will it until the lapse of generations.
* Kollmann, 188ra, p. 18, finds the blonde types among them less than 4 half as frequent as in Baden. Schaffhausen affiliates with Switzerland — in stature also, as we shall show.
. LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE, 19
Consideration of our linguistic map of the southwest of Europe will serve to illustrate some of the potent political influences which make for community of language without thereby indicating any influence of race. The Iberian Penin- sula, now divided between two nationalities, the Spanish and the Portuguese, is, as we shall subsequently show, in the main homogeneous racially—more so, in fact, than any other equally large area of Europe. The only exception is in the case of the Basques, whom we must consider by themselves. This physically uniform population, exclusive of the Basque, makes use to-day of three distinct languages, all Romance or Latin in their origin, to be sure; but so far differentiated from one another as to be mutually unintelligible. It is said, for ex- ample, that the Castilian peasant can more readily under- | stand Italian than the dialect of his neighbour and com- | patriot, the Catalan. The gap between the Portuguese and the Castilian or true Spanish is less deep and wide, perhaps; but the two are still very distinct and radically different from the language spoken in the eastern provinces of Spain. The Catalan speech is, as the related tints upon our map imply, only a sub-variety of the Provengal or southern French lan- guage. The people of the eastern Balearic Islands speaking this Catalan tongue differ from the French in language far less than do the Corsicans, who are politically French, though linguistically Italian.*
At first glance all this seems to belie our assertion that unity of language is often an historical product of political causes. For it may justly be objected that the Portuguese type of language, although in general limited by the political boundary along the east, has crossed the northern frontier and now prevails throughout the Spanish provinces of Galicia ; or again, that the French-Spanish political frontier has been powerless to restrain the advance, far toward the Strait of
* Morel-Fatio is best on Catalan. Its limits in France are given by Hovelacque, 1891. See also Tubino, 1877, p. 108. For the Basque, Broca, 1875, is best; and for Langue d’Oc., Tourtolon and Bringuier, 1876. Grébers’s Grundriss gives many interesting details on Spanish and Portuguese.
20 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
Gibraltar, of the Catalan speech, closely allied as we have said, to the dialects of Provence in southern France; that not even the slight line of demarcation between these last two lies along the Pyrenean political boundary, but considerably to the north of it, so that Catalan is to-day spoken over nearly a whole department in France; and, lastly, that the Basque language, utterly removed from any affiliation with all the rest, lies neither on one side nor the other of this same Pyrenean frontier, but extends down both slopes of the mountain range, an insert into the national domains of both France and Spain. These objections are, however, the very basis of our conten- tion that language and nationality often stand in a definite relation to one another: for, if we examine the history of Spain and Portugal, we shall discover that historical causes alone have determined this curious linguistic distribution. The sole discoverable influence of language upon race appears in the Iberian character of the Catalan corner of France. It really seems as if intercourse around the eastern end of the Pyrenees, facilitated by community of language, had produced a distinctly Iberian type of population on French soil.*
The three great languages i in the Iberian Peninsula—Cas- tilian or Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan—correspond re- spectively to the three political agencies which drove out the Moorish invaders from the ninth century onward, from three different directions and from distinct geographical centres. The mountains of Galicia, in the extreme northwest, served as the nucleus of the resistant power which afterward merged itself in the Portuguese monarchy. Castile in the central north was the asylum of the refugees, expelled from the south by the Saracens, who afterward reasserted themselves in force under the leadership of the kings of Castile. Aragon in the northeast, whose people were mainly of Catalan speech, which they had derived from the south of France, during their tem- porary forced sojourn in that country while the Moors were in active control of Spain, was a base of supplies for the third
* Ol6riz, 1894, p. 180. See also p. 165, infra. Schimmer, 1884, p. 8, finds similar evidence of a reaction of language upon race in Austria- Hungary.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE, a8
organized opposition to the invaders. Each of these political units, as it reconquered territory from the Moors, imposed its official speech upon the people, where it remains to-day. Were the present Spanish nation old enough and sufficiently unified ; were the component parts of it more firmly knitted together by education, modern means of transport, and economic in- terests, this disunity of speech might disappear. Unfortu- nately, the character of the Iberian Peninsula is such—arid, infertile, and sparsely populated in the interior—that these languages socially and commercially turn their backs to one another.* Of necessity, they do this also along the frontier between Spain and Portugal. The eyes of each community are directed not toward Madrid, but toward the sea; for there on the fertile littoral alone is there the economic possibility of a population sufficiently dense for unification. Thus the divergence of language is truly the expression of natural causes working through political ones, which promise to per- petuate the differences for some time. The modern political boundaries in the Iberian Peninsula are even less important than the linguistic ones as a test of race. For, as Freeman says, if in the fifteenth century Isabella of Castile had mar- ried the King of Portugal instead of the King of Aragon, the peninsula would to-day be divided, not into Spain and Por- tugal; but into two kingdoms of Spain and Aragon respect- ively, and Portugal as such would have disappeared from the map. As for the Basques, they have been politically inde- pendent both of the French and the Spaniards until within a few years, and have been enabled to preserve their unique speech largely for this reason. But now that their political autonomy has begun to disappear, the official Spanish is press- ing the Basque language so forcibly that it seems to be every- where on the retreat.
Friction is generally incident to a divergence of political from linguistic boundaries. Especially is this the case where a small minority of alien speech is rudely torn up by the roots and transferred in its political allegiance. Alsace-Lorraine
* Fischer’s map in Verh. Ges. fiir Erdkunde, xx, 1893, map 3, brings out this coast strip clearly.
es
22 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
exemplifies this contingency. Turn to our map on page 231, and it will be seen that the frontier between France and Ger- many follows the bounds of speech approximately along the west of southern Alsace. It departs widely from it all across Lorraine, which is about equally divided in its language. There can be little doubt that the acute unrest in this province would be greatly relieved if the two frontiers, linguistic and political, were the same. The natural boundary of nationality would certainly seem to lie where the people are set apart from one another in respect of this primary element of social intercourse. This linguistic boundary has, moreover, per-
_sisted in its present form for so many generations as to give
decided proof of its permanence. And yet, despite this per- sistence through many political changes, it has absolutely no ethnic significance. The boundary of racial types bears no relation to it in any way, as we shall see.
We have seen that community of language is often im- posed as a result of political unity. Thus it is, after all, rather a by-product, so that it often fails even here to indicate na- tionality. Its irresponsibility in respect both of nationality and of race is clearly indicated by the present linguistic status of the British Isles.* As our map shows, the Keltic language is now spoken in the remote and mountainous portions of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as across the English Channel in French Brittany. It is everywhere on the retreat before the English Ianguage, as it has been ever since the Norman Conquest. Are we to infer from this that in these several places we have to do with vestiges of a so-called Keltic race which possesses any physical traits in common? Far from it! For, although in a few places racial differences occur somewhere near the linguistic frontiers, as in Wales and Brit- tany, they are all the more misleading elsewhere for that reason. Within the narrow confines of this spoken Keltic language are to be found populations characterized by all the
* For exact details and maps of the spoken languages, vide Raven- stein, 1879. For France, Broca, 1868 a; Andree, 1879 b and 1885 a; and Se- billot, 1886, give maps and details. See ourmaponp. too. Andree gives the boundary in France in the twelfth century, showing the retreat clearly.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE. 23
extremes of the races of Europe. The dark-haired, round- faced Breton peasant speaking the Kymric branch of the Keltic tongue in France is, as we shall hope to demonstrate, physical- | ly as far removed from the Welshman who uses the same language, as from the tall and light-haired Norman neigh- bour at home who knows nothing of a Keltic speech at all.
a GAELIC KELTIC PLACE NAMES AND SPEECH
KYMRIC
TEVTONIC VILLAGE NAMES ALTHOVGH MANY KELTIC .. NAMES oF NATURAL FEATURES :
SNE
BSSIGAELIC SPEECH SUT
SSN TEVTONIC PLACE NAMES < . 2s 5
The Welshman in turn is physically allied to the Irish and distinct from many of the Gaelic-speaking Scotch, although these last two speak even the same subtype of the Keltic language. Such racial affinity as obtains between certain of these people is in utter defiance of the bonds of speech. The
24 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
Breton should be more at home among his own folk in the high Alps in respect of race, even although he could hold no converse with the Swiss people in their own tongue.
A sense of nationality, “memories of the past and hopes for the future,” may indeed become highly developed in ab- sence of any community of language at all. ‘The Walloons and Flemish are equally ardent Belgian patriots, despite their linguistic differences.* Switzerland offers us an interesting illustration of the same phenomenon. While the greater part of the confederation is of German speech, as our map on page 284 shows, both Italian and F rench coexist peacefully along- side of it, to say nothing of the primitive Romansch, of which we shall speak later.+ There is no such linguistic repulsion in Switzerland as between German and Czech in Bohemia, or Italian and Slavonic in the Adriatic provinces of the Austrian Empire. This exception to our law, that nationality and lan- guage are alike products of social contact, is not hard to ex- plain. Primarily, Swiss nationality exists despite linguistic differences, because the three languages exist on terms of en- tire equality. The confederated form of government, with a high degree of local autonomy in the cantons, leaves each linguistic contingent in no fear of annihilation by its neigh- bour. The Italian in Ticino, moreover, is entirely isolated by the Alpine chain; the boundary of speech runs along the mountain crests, so that geographical and*political circum- stances alike insure its perpetuation free from disturbance. The reason for the present boundary of French and German “is more difficult to explain. It runs often at right angles to the topography, as where, for example, our map shows it cut- ting off the upper Rhone Valley in Valais. Historical factors, as in Spain, must be invoked as a cause. The Burgundian kingdom, radiating its influence from Geneva, undoubtedly imposed its French speech upon the whole western highlands ; and the present boundaries of the French language undoubt-
* See p. 162, infra.
+ On languages in the Alps, see Charnock, 1873 ; Schneller, (76777, Bresslau, 1881; Galanti, 1885; Bidermann, 1886; Zemmrich, 1894 a; Andree, 1879 a and 1885 b, etc.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE, 25
edly are a heritage from this Burgundian rule.* The Swiss nation is indeed an artificial one, as Freeman says; it offers an example of both political and linguistic adoptions of a unique sort. One point is certain. Such racial differences as exist in Switzerland are absolutely independent of all these linguistic boundaries. We seek in vain for any evidence of physical differences along these lines. South of the Alps to-day there are considerable communities still bearing the German speech and customs, evidence of the Teutonic invasions of historic times. These people have become so completely ab- sorbed that they are not distinguishable physically from their Italian neighbours.+ There are indeed spots in Italy where German racial traits survive, but they-are quite remote from these islets of Teutonic language, as ‘we shall see.
If we turn to the east of Europe, we encounter all sorts of linguistic anomalies, beside which European ethnography west of Vienna appears relatively simple.{ The Bulgarians
a an aD
of Slavic. The Roumanian language, Latin in its affinities, is entirely a result of wholesale adoption: and a new process of change of speech like that in Bulgaria threatens now to oust this Roumanian and replace it also by a Slavic dialect.* Magyar, the language of the Hungarians, spreading toward the east, displaced by German, which is forcing its way in from the northwest, is also on the move. Beneath all this hurry-skurry of speech the racial lines remain as fixed as ever. Language, in short, as a great philologist has put it, “is not a test of race. It is a test of social contact.” Waves of lan- guage have swept over Europe, leaving its racial foundations as undisturbed as are the sands of the sea during a storm. The linguistic status of the British Isles, above described, shows us one of these waves—the Keltic—which is, to put it somewhat flippantly, now upon its last lap on the shores of the western ocean.
* The French language also extends far across the Italian frontier into Piedmont, perhaps for the same reason. (Pullé, 1898, p. 66, and map ii.)
+ Livi, 1896, p. 147, and 1886, p. 70 (reprint).
¢ Topinard, 1886¢, is fine on this. See also chap. xv, infra.
* Xenopol, 1895.
26 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
We may discover ‘how slippery speech is upon men’s tongues in yet another way—namely, by observing it actually on the move in a physically quiescent population, leaving a trail behind to mark its passage. Language becomes truly sedentary when a distinctive name is given by men to a place of settlement; it may be a clearing in the virgin wilderness or a reconstructed village after a clearing away by conquest of the former possessors. In either case the result is the same. The name, be it Slavic, Keltic, or other, tends to remain as a permanent witness that a people speaking such a tongue once passed that way. A place name of this kind may and often does outlive the spoken language in that locality. It remains as a monument to mark the former. confines of the speech, since it can no more migrate than can the houses and barns within the town. Of course, newcomers may adapt the old name to the peculiar pronunciation of their own tongue, but the savour of antiquity gives it a persistent power which is very great. For this reason we find that after every migration of a spoken language, there follows a trail of such place names to indicate a former condition. Our maps, both of the British Isles and of Spain, show this phenomenon very clearly. In the one case, the Keltic speech has receded before the Teu- tonic influence, leaving a belt of its peculiar village names behind. In the other, the Basque place names, far outside the
_ present limits of the spoken Basque, even as far as the Ebro
River, indicate no less clearly that the speech is on the move
- toward the north, where no such intermediate zone exists.*
Similarly, all over Russia, Finnic place names still survive as witness of a language and people submerged by the immigrant Slavs. +
Then, after the village names have been replaced by the newcomers, or else become so far mutilated as to lose their identity, there still linger the names of rivers, mountains, bays, headlands, and other natural features of the country. Hal- lowed by folklore or superstition, their outlandish sounds only serve the more to insure them against disturbance. All over
* Broca, 1875, p. 43; Bladé, 1869, p. 381. See also chap. viii, zfra. + Smirnov, 1892, p. 105.
i a
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE. 27
England such names are not uncommon, pointing to a remote past when the Keltic speech was omnipresent. Nay more, not only from all over the British Isles, but from a large area of the mainland of Europe as well, comes testimony of this kind to a former wide expansion of this Keltic language. Such geographical names represent the third and final stage of the erosion of language prior to its utter disappearance. Never- theless, as we shall show, the physical features of men outlive even these, so inherent and deep rooted have they become. It is indeed true, as Rhys “**’, himself a linguist, has aptly put it, that “‘ skulls are harder than consonants, and races lurk be- hind when languages slip away.”
It appears that language rests even more lightly upon men than do traditions and folk customs. We find that it disap- pears first under pressure, leaving these others along with physical traits, perhaps, as survivors. There are several rea- sons for this mobility of speech. One is that languages rarely coalesce.* They may borrow and mutilate, but they seldom mix if very distinct in type. The superior, or perhaps official, language simply crowds the other out by force. Organization in this case counts for more than numbers. In this way the language of the Isle de France has prevailed over the whole country despite its once limited area, because it had an ag- gressive dynasty behind it. Panslavism in Russia at the pres- ent time, with the omnipotence of officialism, is, in a similar way, crowding the native Finnic and Lithuanian languages out of the Baltic provinces; although less than ten per cent of the inhabitants are Russians. Language, moreover, re- quires for its maintenance unanimous consent, and not mere majority rule; for, so soon as the majority changes its speech, the minority must acquiesce. Not so with folk tales or fire- side customs. People cling to these all the more pertina- ciously as they become rare. And still less so with physical
* Vide interesting discussion of this point in detail in A. H. Keane, Ethnology, pp. 198 e¢ seg. Taylor, 1890, p. 275, gives examples of diffi- culties in pronunciation which seem to be hereditary.
+ Leroy-Beaulieu, 1893-96, i, p. 70. See also on Little Russia, ibid., p. 120. On the Tatar adoptions of language by Finns, see p. 360 zz/ra.
28 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
traits of race. Many of these last are not apparent to the eye. They are sometimes unsuspected until they have well-nigh disappeared. Men mingle their blood freely. They inter- marry, and a mixed type results. Thus, racially, organization avails nothing against the force of numbers. In linguistic affairs nothing succeeds like success; but in physical an- thropology impetus counts for nothing. ? It is impossible to measure race by the geographical’ dis- tribution of arts or customs; for they also, like language, migrate in complete independence of physical traits. With the Keltic language spread the use of polished stone implements and possibly the custom of incineration, but this did not by any means imply a new race of men. The best opinion to-day holds the Keltic culture and language to have represented merely a dominant aristocracy, forming but a small proportion of the population. It is not unlikely that this ruling class in- troduced new arts along with their speech, although it is still not directly proved. At times a change of culture appears, directly accompanied by a new physical type, as when bronze was introduced into Britain,* or when the European races brought the use of iron to America. More often are the ad- vents of a new culture and a physical type merely contem- poraneous. Such an event occurred when the domestication of animals seemed roughly to coincide with the appearance in Europe of a brachycephalic population from the east. No one is competent to affirm, notwithstanding this fact, that the new race actually introduced the culture.t Of course, con- tact is always implied in such migration of an art, although a few stragglers may readily have been the cause of the spread of the custom. This may not be true in respect to the migra- tion of religions, or in any similar case where determined opposition has to be overcome and where conquest means substitution; but in simple arts of immediate obvious appli- cation, copying takes place naturally. The art spreads in di- rect proportion to its immediate value to the people concerned. No missionaries are needed to introduce firearms among the
* Thurnam, 1863, p. 129 e¢ seg. t Cf. Mortillet, 1879 a, p. 232.
Hite © oe
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE, 29
aborigines. The art speedily outruns race. Moreover, cul- tures like languages seldom mix as men do. Parts may be accepted here and there, but complete amalgamation seldom results. The main effect of the contact of two distinct cul- tures is to produce stratification. The common people become the conservators of the old; the upper classes hold to the new. It is a case of folklore and superstition versus progressive ideas. Here, as in respect of language, arts and customs be- come reliable as a test of race only when found fixed in the soil or in some other way prevented from migration.
Always be careful lest you attach too much importance to the statements of historical and classical writers in their ac- counts of migrations and of conquests.* They wrote of men organized in tribes; it is our province to study them individ- ually in populations. We should beware of the travellers’ tales of the ancients. Pliny describes a people of Africa with no heads and with eyes and mouth in the breast—a statement which to the anthropologist appears to be open to the suspicion of exaggeration. Even when conquest has undoubtedly taken place, it does not imply a change of physical type in the region affected. We are dealing with great masses of men near the soil, to whom it matters little whether the emperor be Mace- donian, Roman, or Turk. Till comparatively recent times _ the peasantry of Europe were as little affected by changes of dynasty as the Chinese people have been touched by the re- cent war in the East. To them personally, victory or defeat meant little except a change of tax-gatherers.
In this connection it should be borne in mind that conquest often affected but a small area of each country—namely, its richest and most populous portions. The foreigner seldom penetrated the outlying districts. He went, as did the Span- iards in South America, where gold was gathered in the great cities. France, as we know, was affected very unevenly by the Roman conquest. It was not the portion nearest to Rome, but the richest though remote one, which yielded to the Roman rule to the greatest extent. At all events, the
* Bertrand, 1873, is fine in criticism of these; also Bertrand and Reinach, 1894, chapter i.
eS
30 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
Roman colonists in Gaul and Brittany have disappeared, to leave no trace. The Vandals in Africa have left no sign— neither hide nor hair, in a literal sense.* Aquitaine was held by the English for three centuries, but no anthropological evidence of it remains to-day.+ The Tatar rule in Russia and the Saracen conquest of Spain were alike unproductive of physical results, so far as we can discover. Both alike con- stituted what Bryce aptly terms merely a “top dressing” of population. The Burgundian kingdom was changed merely in respect of its rulers; and spots in Italy like Benevento, ruled by the Lombards for five hundred years, are, in respect of physical characteristics, to-day precisely like all the region round about them.f
The truth is that migrations or conquests to be physically effective must be domestic and not military. Wheeler rightly observes, speaking of the Eastern question, that “ much that has been called migration was movement not of peoples, but power.”’ Guizot’s eighth lecture upon the History of Civiliza- tion in France contains some wholesome advice upon this point. Colonization or infiltration, as the case may be, to be physically effective must take place by wholesale, and it must include men, women, and children. The Roman conquests seldom proceeded thus, in sharp contrast to the people of the East, who migrated in hordes, colonizing incidentally on the way...The British Isles, anthropologically, were not affected by the Roman invasion, nor until the Teutons came by thou- sands. There is nothing surprising in this. In anthropology, as in jurisprudence, possession is nine points of the law.
_ Everything is on the side, physically speaking, of the native.
He has been acclimated, developing peculiarities proper to his surroundings. He is free from the costly work of trans- porting helpless women and children. The immense major- ity of his fellows are like him in habits, tastes, and circum- stances. The invader, if he remains at all, dilutes his blood by half as soon as he marries and settles, with the prospect that it will be quartered in the next generation. He can not
* Broca, 1876. + Collignon, 1895, p. 71. ¢ Livi, 1896 a, p. 166.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE. 31
exterminate the vanquished as savages do, even if he would. Nay more, it is not to his advantage to do so, for servile labour is too valuable to sacrifice in that way. Self-interest triumphs over race hatred. The conqueror may indeed kill off a score or two of the leading men, and the chroniclers may call it exterminating a tribe, but the probability is that all the women and most of the men will be spared. In the sub- sequent process of acclimatization, moreover, the ranks of the invading host are decimated. The newcomer struggles against the combined distrust of most of his neighbours, as well as with the migratory instinct which brought him there in the first place. If he excels in intelligence, he may con- tinue to rule, but his line is doomed to extinction unless kept alive by constant re-enforcements. It has been well said that the greatest obstacle to the spread of man is man. Collignon is right in his affirmation that “when a race is well seated in a region, fixed to the soil by agriculture, acclimatized by natural selection, and sufficiently dense, it opposes an enor- mous resistance to absorption by newcomers, whoever they may be.”
Population being thus persistent by reason of its inde- structibility, a peculiar province of our study will be to show the relation which has arisen between the geography of a country and the character of its people and its institutions. Historians have not failed in the past to point out the ways in which the migrations and conquests of nations have been determined by mountain chains and rivers. They have too often been content merely to show that the immediate direc- tion of the movement has been dependent upon topographical features. We shall endeavour to go a step further in indi- cating the manner in which the real ethnic character of the population of Europe has been determined by its environ- ment, not only directly, but indirectly as well, entirely apart from political or historical events as such, and as a result of social forces which are still at work. Thus, for example, we | shall show that the physical character of the population often | changes at the line which divides the hills from the plains. The national boundary may run along the crest of the moun-
32 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
tain chain, while the ethnic lines skirt its base where the eco- nomic character of the country changes. In other cases, the racial may be equally far from the political boundary, since the river bed may delimit the state, while the racial divisions follow the watershed.*
Modern political boundaries will, therefore, avail us but little; they are entirely a superficial product; for, as we in- sist, nationality bears no constant or necessary relation what- ever to race. It is an artificial result of political causes to a great extent. Political boundaries, moreover, may not even be national; they are too often merely governmental. From the moment an individual is born into the world, he finds him- self exposed to a series of concentric influences which swing in upon him with overwhelming force. The ties of family lie nearest: the bonds and prejudices of caste follow close upon; then comes the circle of party affiliations and of res ligious denomination. Language encompasses all these about. The element of nationality lying outside of them all, is as largely the result of historical and social causes as any of the others, with the sole exception of family perhaps. Race may conceivably cut across almost all of these lines at right angles. It underlies them all. It is, so to speak, the raw material from which each of these social patterns is made up. It may become an agent to determine their intensity and motive, as the nature of the fibre determines the design woven in the stuff. It may proceed in utter independence of them all, being alone freed from the disturbing influences of human will and choice. Race denotes what man is; all these other details of social life represent what man does. Race harmon- izes, at all events, less with the bounds of nationality than with any other—certainly less so than with those either of social caste or religious affiliation. That nearly a half of France, while peopled by ardent patriots, is as purely Teu- tonic racially as the half of Germany itself, is a sufficient ex- ample of the truth of our assertion. The best illustration of the greater force of religious prejudices to give rise to a dis-
* Regnault, 1892, offers an interesting discussion of the relation of topography and race. it
* E ‘ 4 4 a
*.
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE, 33
tinct physical type is afforded by the Jews. Social ostracism, based upon differences of belief in great measure, has sufficed to keep them truer to a single racial standard, perhaps, than any other people of Europe.* Another example of religious isolation, re-enforced by geographical seclusion, may be seen among the followers of the medizval reformer, Juan Valdes. Persecuted for generations, driven high up into the Alps of northwestern Italy, these people show to-day a notable differ- ence in physical type from all their neighbours.| The Hugue- not colony about La Rochelle, together with English influ- ence, seems also to have left its impress in the present blond- ness of the department of Charente Inférieure.{ The Arme- nians also, constituting an island of Christianity surrounded by alien beliefs, are, as we shall see, highly individualized phys- ically. Religious isolation is the cause beyond doubt.
Political geography is, for all these reasons, entirely dis- tinct from racial and social geography, as well in its princi- ples as in its results. Many years ago a course was delivered before the Lowell Institute by M. Guyot, the great geogra- pher, subsequently published under the caption The Earth and Man. It created a profound sensation at the time, as it pointed out the intimate relation which exists between geog- raphy and history; but it was of necessity extremely vague, and its results were in the main unsatisfactory. Its value lay mainly in its novel point of view. Since this time a com- pletely new science dealing with man has arisen, capable of as great precision as any of the other natural sciences. It has humanized geography, so to speak, even as M. Guyot did in his time and generation; and it has enriched history and sociology in a new and unexpected way.
We have now to bring still other elements—anthropology and sociology—into touch with these other two, to form a combination possessed of singular suggestiveness. It affords at once a means for the quantitative measurement of racial
* Renan, 1883, offers a brilliant discussion of this. See also our chapter on the Jews, later. + Mendini, 1890; Livi, 1896 a, p. 135. ¢ Topinard, 1889 a, p. 522. 5
34 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
migrations and social movements; and it yields a living pic- ture of the population—the raw material—in and through which all history must of necessity work. Studying men as merely physical types of the higher animals, we are able to trace their movements as we do those of the lower species. We may correlate these results with the physical geography and the economic character of the environment; and then, at last, superpose the social phenomena in their geographical distribution. We attempt to discover relations either of cause and effect, or at least of parallelism and similarity due to a common cause which lies back of them all—perhaps in human nature itself. Science advances by the revelation of new rela- tionships between things. In the present case the hope of per- haps striking a spark, by knocking these divers sciences to- gether, has induced men to collect materials, often in ignorance of the exact use to which they might be ultimately put. To show the results which have already been achieved is the task to which we have to address ourselves.
The observations upon which our conclusions for Europe are to rest cover some twenty-five million or more individ- uals, a large fraction being school children, a goodly propor- tion, however, consisting of conscripts taken from the soil di-: rectly to the recruiting commissions of the various European armies. The labour involved in merely collecting, to say nothing of tabulating, this mass of material is almost super- human; and we can not too highly praise the scientific zeal which has made possible our comfortable work of compar- ing this accumulated data. As an example of the difficulties which have been encountered, let me quote from a personal letter from Dr. Ammon, one of the pioneers in this work, who measured thousands of recruits in the Black Forest of Germany. “ One naturally,” he writes, “is reluctant to under- take a four or six weeks’ trip with the commission in winter, with snow a metre deep, living in the meanest inns in the little hamlets, and moving about every two to five days. The of- ficial inspectors must not be retarded in their work, as the Ministry of War attaches that condition to their permission to
LANGUAGE, NATIONALITY, AND RACE. 35
view the recruits. Many of those rejected for service are dismissed by the surgeons at a glance, but I must make meas- urements on all alike. Only when the doctor stops to make an auscultation or to test the vision do I have a moment’s respite. They are sent to my room from the medical inspector at the rate of two hundred in three hours, sometimes two hundred and forty; and on all these men I must make many measurements, while rendering instant decision upon the colour of the hair and eyes. The mental effort involved in forming so many separate judgments in such quick succes- sion often brings me near fainting at the close of the session.”
Of course, where observations are privately made, to ob- tain the consent of the owner of the characteristics is the main obstacle to be overcome. To make the subject understand what is wanted, is impossible; for it would involve a full dis- cussion of the Keltic question or of the origin of the Aryans, which, after the first one hundred cases, becomes tiresome. The colour of the hair and eyes, of course, may be noted in passing, and observers may station themselves on crowded thoroughfares and easily collect a large mass of material. I have myself found profit and entertainment on the Fall River boats in running up some columns from my unsuspecting fellow-passengers. But to make head measurements is an- other matter. Dr. Beddoe adopted an ingenious device which I will describe in his own words: “ Whenever a likely little squad of natives was encountered the two archzologists got up a dispute about the relative size and shape of their own heads, which I was called in to settle with the calipers. The unsuspecting Irishmen usually entered keenly into the de- bate, and before the little drama had been finished were eagerly betting on the sizes of their own heads, and begging to have their wagers determined in the same manner.”
The figures gathered in this way from the schools and the armies have a peculiar value. They represent all classes of the population, but more especially the peasantry in all the nooks and corners of Europe wherever thé long arm of the Polizet Staat reaches. The only difficulty is that research upon adults is almost entirely confined to the men; observations upon
THE RACES OF EUROPE.
adult women are exceedingly scarce. Fortunately, such as we have tends to agree with those taken upon males in all im- portant respects. We shall have to note but a few exceptions to this law.* The upper classes are less fully represented often- times than the peasantry, since they attend private schools or are better able to evade the military service by money pay- ment or by educational test. This simplifies the matter, since it is the proletariat which alone clearly reflects the influence of race or of environment. They are the ones we wish to study. In this sense the observations upon these populations may aid the sociologist or the historian; for the greatest ob- stacle, heretofore, to the prosecution of the half-written his- tory of the common people has been the lack of proper raw materials. There is a mine of information here which has barely been opened to view on the surface.
* Cf. remarks at page 399 ¢z/ra.
CHAPTER III.
THE HEAD FORM.
TuE shape of the human head—by which we mean the general proportions of length, breadth, and height, irrespective of the “ bumps ” of the phrenologist—is one of the best avail- able tests of race known. Its value is, at the same time, but imperfectly appreciated beyond the inner circle of professional anthropology. Yet it is so simple a phenomenon, both in principle and in practical application, that it may readily be of use to the traveller and the not too superficial observer: of men. To be sure, widespread and constant peculiarities of head form are less noticeable in America, because of the ex- treme variability of our population, compounded as it is of all the races of Europe; they seem also to be less fundamental among the American aborigines. But in the Old World the observant traveller may with a little attention often detect the racial affinity of a people by this means.
The form of the head is for all racial purposes best meas- ured by what is technically known as the cephalic index. This is simply the breadth of the head above the ears expressed in percentage of its length from forehead to back. Assuming that this length is 100, the width is expressed as a fraction of it. As the head becomes proportionately broader—that is, more fully rounded, viewed from the top down—this cephalic index increases. When it rises above 80, the head is called brachycephalic; when it falls below 75, the term dolicho- cephalic is applied to it. Indexes between 75 and 80 are char- acterized as mesocephalic. The accompanying photographs illustrate the extent of these differences as they appear upon the skull. They are especially notable in the view from the
37
38 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
top downward. These particular crania, with the indexes of 73 and 87 respectively, are, it may be observed, typical of the general limits of variation which occur among the races of Europe at the present time. In very rare instances the cephalic index may run in individuals as low as 62, and it has been
Brachycephalic type. Index 87. Dolichocephalic type. Index 73. Zuid-Beveland, Holland. Zeeland, Holland.
observed as high as 103—that is to say, the head being broader than it is long. In our study, which is not of individuals but of racial groups, the limits of variation are of course much narrower.*
* See Appendix A for technical details.
Index 75. NORWEGIAN, Aamot. 2.
2 Swiss, Basle. Index 64.
— f Bia! eee . 3 GERMAN, Baden. Index 83. Index 88.5. HUNGARIAN, Thorda. 4.
LAPP, Scandinavia. Index 94. Index 96. FRENCH, Savoy. 6.
(Illustrating the relation between the form of face and the proportions of head, measured by the cephalic index.)
5-
THE HEAD FORM. = 39
A factor which is of great assistance in the rapid identifi- cation of racial types, is the correlation between the propor- tions of the head and the form of the face. In the majority of cases, particularly in Europe, a relatively broad head is of the cheek bones is Considerable as compared with the height from forehead to chin. Anthropologists make use of this re- lation to measure the so-called facial index; but a lack of uniformity in the mode of taking measurements has so far prevented extended observations fit for exact comparison.* It is sufficient for our purposes to adopt the rule, long head, oval face; short head and round face. Our six living types on sie opposite page, arranged in an ascending series of cephalic indices from 64 to 96, make this relation between the head and face more clearly manifest. In proportion as the heads become broader back of the temples, the face appears rela- tively shorter. We are here speaking, be it noted, of those proportions dependent upon the bony structure of the head, and not in any sense of the merely superficial fleshy parts. A rounded face due to full cheeks should be carefully distin- guished from one in which the relative breadth is due either to prominence of the cheek bones or to real breadth of the head itself. It is the last of these alone which concerns us here. Only a few examples of widespread disharmonism, as it is called, between head and face are known. Among these are the Greenland Eskimos, which resemble the Lapp shown in our - portrait in squareness of face, notwithstanding the fact that they are almost the longest-headed race known. The aborigines of Tasmania are also disharmonic to a like degree, most other peoples of the earth showing an agreement be- tween the facial proportions and those of the head which is sufficiently close to suggest a relation of cause and effect. In Europe, where disharmonism is very infrequent among the living populations, its prevalence in the prehistoric Cro- Magnon race will afford us a means of identification of this type wherever it persists to-day. At times disharmonism arises
* Topinard, Eléments, p. 917. Weissenberg, 1897, gives a convenient outline of the various systems.
40 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
in mixed types, the product of a cross between a broad and
a long headed race, wherein the one element contributes the
head form while the other persists rather in the facial pro-
portions.* Such combinations are apt to occur among the
Swiss, lying as they do at the ethnic crossroads of the con-
tinent. Several clear examples of it are shown among our portraits at page 290.
An important point to be noted in this connection is that this shape of the head seems to bear no direct relation to in- tellectual power or intelligence. Posterior development of the
pany Lem 8 T t t
TTT tit
HH
cranium does not imply a corresponding backwardness in culture. The broad-headed races of the earth may not as a whole be quite as deficient in civilization as some of the long heads, notably the Australians and the African negroes. On the other hand, the Chinese are conspicuously long-headed, surrounded by the barbarian brachycephalic Mongol hordes; and the Eskimos in many respects surpass the Indians in cul-
* Boas (Verh. Berl. Anth. Ges., 1895, p. 406) finds among Indian half- breeds that the facial proportions of one or the other parent are more apt to be transmitted entirely than that an intermediate form results.
THE HEAD FORM. 4I
ture. Dozens of similar contrasts might be given. Europe offers the best refutation of the statement that the proportions of the head mean anything intellectually. The English, as our map of Europe will show, are distinctly long-headed. Measurements on the students at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology are fairly typical for the Anglo-Saxon peoples. Out of a total of 486 men, four were characterized at one ex- treme by an index below 70; the upper limit was marked by four men with an index of 87. The series of heads culminated at an index of 77, possessed by 72 students. The diagram herewith represents the percentage distribution of the several indexes. It points to a clear type at a head form quite near the lower limits of variation of the human races ; those, namely, of the African negroes and the Australian aborigines. This example, together with a moment’s consideration of our world map of the cephalic index, will show how impossible is any relation between the head form of a people and its civilization or average intelligence. Comparisons have been instituted in parts of Europe between the professional and un- cultured classes in the same community for the further elucida- tion of this fact. The differences in head form are as apt to fall one way as another, depending upon the degree of racial purity which exists in each class. Dr. Livi * finds that in north- ern Italy the professional classes are longer-headed than the peasants; in the south the opposite rule prevails. The ex- planation is that in each case the upper classes are nearer a mean type for the country, as a result of greater mobility and ethnic intermixture.+ In our study of the proportions of the head, therefore, as a corollary of this principle, we are measur- ing merely race, and not intelligence in any sense. How fortunate this circumstance is for our various purposes will appear in due time.
* 1896 a, pp. 86-95.
+ We have discussed this more fully in our 1896c and 1896d. See also Boas, 1896; Beddoe, 1894; Broca, 1872b; Niederle, 1896 a, p. 100, etc.; and the works of Ammon, Lapouge, Muffang, and other social anthropologists. Venn, 1888, believes to have discovered a tendency among his Cambridge students, but our own results belie it.
be coe Pre o* > ye Ve ee CS
PS oon
< az 94 rare bRaA a BF gh yes a) .é) ' q a 2 N a t
GN 88-9 —BROoAD HEADS
CEPHALIC |NDEA
7-8
= SS thle Hees
WZR feert
E 73- 5 — LONG HEADS
THE HEAD FORM. 43
energy when, during our civil war, over one million soldiers had their heads measured in respect of this absolute size; in view of the fact that to-day anthropologists deny any consid- erable significance attaching to this characteristic. Popularly, a large head with beetling eyebrows suffices to establish a man’s intellectual credit; but, like all other credit, it is en- tirely dependent upon what lies on deposit elsewhere. Neither size nor weight of the brain seems to be of importance. The long, narrow heads, as a rule, have a smaller capacity than those in which the breadth is considerable; but the excep- tions are so common that they disprove the rule. Among the earliest men whose remains have been found in Europe, there was no appreciable difference from the present living populations. In many cases these prehistoric men even sur- passed the present population in the size of the head. The peasant and the philosopher can not be distinguished in this respect. . For the same reason the striking difference between the sexes, the head of the man being considerably larger than that of the woman, means nothing more than avoirdupois; or rather it seems merely to be correlated with the taller stature and more massive frame of the human male. Turning to the world map *.on the opposite page, which
* This map is constructed primarily from data on living men, sufficient in amount to eliminate the effect of chance. Among a host of other authorities, special mention should be made of Drs. Boas, on North America ; Séren-Hansen and Bessels, on the Eskimos; von den Steinen, Ehrenreich, Ten Kate, and Martin, on South America; Collignon, Bérenger-Féraud, Verneau, Passavant, Deniker, and Laloy, on Africa; Sommier and Mantegazza, on northern, Chantre and Ujfalvy, on western Asia; Risley, on India; Lubbers, Ten Kate, Volz, Micklucho-Maclay, and Maurel, on Indonesia and the western Pacific. For special details, vide Balz, on Japan; Man, on the Andamans: Ivanovski and Yavorski, on the Mongols, etc. For Africa and Australia the results are certain; but scattered through a number of less extended investigations. Then there is the more general work of Weisbach, Broca, Pruner Bey, and others. All these have been checked or supplemented by the large col- lections of observations on the cranium. It will never cease to be a mat- ter of regret that observers like Hartmann, Fritsch, Finsch, the Sarasin
ie
44 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
shows the geographical distribution of the several types of head form which we have described, the first fact which impresses itself is of the violent contrasts in the eastern hemisphere be- tween Europe-Asia and the two southern continents Africa and Australia. A few pages further on in this chapter will be found two sheets of portraits representing the differences be- tween these regions. The broad heads and square faces of the Asiatic types are very different from the long oval of the dolichocephalic negro, or of the Berber populations north of the Sahara, which in head and face so strongly resemble them. In profile the posterior development of the negro skull should be compared with the bullet-shaped head of the Asiatic. It will appear that differences in length are as remarkable as in the breadth. With these contrasts in mind, turn to our world map. The line of division of head forms passes east and west just south of the great continental backbone extending from the Alps to the Himalayas. Thus the primitive natives of India, the black men of the hill tribes, who are quite distinct from the Hindu invaders, form part of this southern long- headed group. The three southern centres of long-headedness may once have been part of a single continent which occupied the basin of the Indian Ocean. From the peculiar geograph- ical localization about this latter centre of the lemurs, a spe- cies allied to the monkeys, together with certain other mam- mals, some naturalists have advocated the theory that such a continent once united Africa and Australia.* To this hypo- thetical land mass they have assigned the name Lemuria. It would be idle to discuss the theory in this place. Whether such a continent ever existed or not, the present geographical distribution of long-headedness points to a common deriva- tion of the African and the Australian and Melanesian races, between whom stand as a connecting link the Dravidian or
brothers, Stanley, and others, offer no material for work of this kind. For the location of tribes, we have used Gerland’s Atlas fiir Vélkerkunde. It is to be hoped that Dr. Boas’s map for North America, now ready for publication, may not long be delayed; our map has benefited from his courteous correction.
* Ernst Haeckel, 1891, gives an interesting map with a restoration of this continent as a centre of dispersion for mammals.
12.
M < en} oO & = MM
UZBEG, Ferghanah
KARA-KIRGHEZ,.
BRACHYCEPHALIC ASIATIC T
Il.
YPE
aaa
Index 72.
19; SERERE, Negro. Index 75. DA e 18. DOLICHOCEPHALIC AFRICAN TYPES.
THE HEAD FORM, 45
aboriginal inhabitants of India. The phenomena of skin colour and of hair only serve to strengthen the hypothesis. The extremes in head form here presented between the north and the south of the eastern hemisphere constitute the mainstay of the theory that in these places we find the two primary elements of the human species. Other racial traits help to confirm the deduction. The most sudden anthropo- geographical transition in the world is afforded by the. Hima- laya mountain ranges. Happily, we possess, from Ujfalvy * and others, pretty detailed information for parts of this region, especially the Pamir. This “ roof of the world” is of peculiar interest to us as the land to which Max Miller sought to trace the Aryan invaders of Europe by a study of the languages of that continent. It is clearly proved that this greatest moun- tain system in the world is at the same time the dividing line between the extreme types of mankind. It is really the human equator of the earth. Such is as it should be. For while the greatest extremes of environment are offered between the steaming plains of the Ganges and the frigid deserts and steppes of the north, at the same time direct intercourse be- tween the two regions has been rendered well-nigh impos- sible by the height of the mountain chain itself. In each region a peculiar type has developed without interference from the other. At either end of the Himalayas proper, where the geographical barriers become less formidable, and espe- cially wherever we touch the sea, the extreme sharpness of the human contrasts fails. The Chinese manifest a tendency toward an intermediate type of head form. Japan shows it even more clearly. From China south the Asiatic broad- headedness becomes gradually attenuated among the Malays, until it either runs abruptly up against the Melanesian dolicho- cephalic group or else vanishes among the islanders of the Pacific. Evidence that in thus extending to the southeast, the Malays have dispossessed or absorbed a more primitive population is afforded by the remnants of the negritos. These black people still exist in some purity in the inaccessible up-
* Les Aryens au Nord et au Sud de l'Hindou-Kouch. Paris, 1896.
46 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
lands of the large islands in Malaysia, and especially in the Philippine Archipelago.
Compared with the extreme forms presented in the Old World, the Americas _appear_to be quite homogeneous and at the same time intermediate in type, especially if we except the Eskimo; for in the western hemisphere among the true Indians the extreme variations of head form are comprised between the cephalic indices of 85 in British Columbia and Peru, and of 76 on the southeast coast of Brazil. Probably nine tenths of the native tribes of America have average indices between 79 and 83. Many American peoples among whom customs of cranial deformation prevail, are able artificially to raise their indices to 90 or even 95; but such monstrosities should be excluded for the present, since we are studying normal types of man alone. Translated into words, this means that the American aborigines should all be classified together as, in a sense, a secondary and more or less transitional racial group.
With them we may place the great group of men which inhabits the islands of the Pacific. These people manifest even clearer than do the American Indians that they are an intermediate type. They are, however, more unstable as a race, especially lacking in homogeneity. They seem to be compounded of the Asiatic and Melanesian primary racial elements in varying proportions. It is the most discouraging place in the world to measure types of head, because of their extreme variability. We shall have occasion shortly to com- pare certain of their characteristics other than the head form with those of the people of Europe. This we shall do in the attempt to discover whether these Europeans are also a sec- ondary race, or whether they are entitled to a different place in the human species. We shall then see that one can not study Europe quite by itself without gaining thereby an en- tirely false idea of its human history.
Before proceeding to discuss the place which Europe occu- pies in our racial series, it may be interesting to point out certain curious parallelisms between the geographical localiza- tion of the several types of head form and the natural dis-
THE HEAD FORM. 47
tribution of the flora and fauna of the earth.* Agassiz a half century ago commented upon the similar areas of distribution of mammals and of man. His observations are confirmed by our data on the head form. Where, as in Africa and Aus- tralia, there is marked individuality in the lower forms of life, there is also to be found an extreme type of the human spe- cies. Where, on the other hand, realms like the Oriental one which covers southeastern Asia and the Malay Archipel- ago, have drawn upon the north and the south alike for both their flora and fauna, several types of man have also immi- grated and crossed with one another. Often the dividing lines between distinct realms for varieties of man, animal, and plant coincide quite exactly. The Sahara Desert, once a sea, and not the present Mediterranean, as we shall show, divides the true negro from the European, as it does the Ethiopian zoé- logical and botanical realm from its neighbour. Thus do the African Berbers in our portraits belong of right to the Euro- pean races, as we shall soon be able to prove. The facial re- semblance is enough to render such proof unnecessary. The Andes, the Rocky Mountains, and the Himalayas, for a similar reason divide types of all forms of life alike, including man. Even that remarkable line which Alfred Russel Wallace so vividly describes in his Island Life, which divides the truly insular fauna and flora from those of the continent of Asia, is duplicated among men near by. The sharp division line for plants and animals between Bali and Lombok we have shown upon the map. It is but a short distance farther east, between Timor and Flores, where we suddenly pass from the broad-headed, straight-haired Asiatic Malay to the long- headed and frizzled Melanesian savage—to the group which includes the Papuans of New Guinea and the Australian. Following out this study of man in his natural migrations just as we study the lower animals, it can be shown that the differences in geographical localization between the human
* Beddard, Lyddeker, Sclater, are best on geographical zoélogy. Brin- ton, 1890 a, p. 95, gives many references on this. _ +A good ethnological map of this region is given in Ratzel, 1894-’95, vol. i,
48 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
and other forms of life are merely of degree. The whole mat- ter is reducible at bottom to terms of physical geography, producing areas of characterization. Where great changes in the environment occur, where oceans or mountain chains divide, or where river systems unite geographical areas, we discover corresponding effects upon the distribution of human as of other animal types. This is not necessarily because the environment has directly generated those peculiarities in each instance; certainly no such result can be shown in respect of the head form. It is because the several varieties of man or other mammals have been able to preserve their individuality through geographical isolation from intermixture; or con- trariwise, as the case may be, have merged it in a conglom- erate whole compounded of all immigrant types alike. In this sense man in his physical constitution is almost as much a creature of environment as the lower orders of life. Even in Europe he has not yet wholly cast off the leading strings of physical circumstance, as it is our purpose ultimately to show.
By this time it will have been observed that the differences in respect of the head form become strongly noticeable only when we compare the extremes of our racial series; in other words, that while the minor gradations may be real to the calipers and tape, they are not striking at first glance to the eye. Let us carefully note that in observing the proportions of the head, we have absolutely nothing to do with those fea- tures by which in Europe we are accustomed to distinguish nationalities. Nine times out of ten we recognise an Irish- man, a Swede, or an Italian by means of these lesser details. They are in reality more often national or local than wholly racial. Let us also rigidly eliminate the impressions derived from mere facial expression. Such belongs rather to the study of character than of race. It seldom becomes strongly marked before middle life, while the more fundamental traits are fully apparent much earlier. As a matter of fact, it is the modesty of the head proportions—not forcing themselves con- spicuously upon the observer’s notice as do differences in the colour of the skin, the facial features, or the bodily stature—
THE HEAD FORM. 49
which forms the main basis of their claim to priority as a test of race. Were this head form as strikingly prominent as these other physical traits, it would tend to fall a prey to the modifying factor of artificial selection: that is to say, it would speedily become part and parcel among a people of a general ideal, either of racial beauty or of economic fitness, so that the selective choice thereby induced, would soon modify the operation of purely natural causes.
However strenuously the biologists may deny validity to the element of artificial selection among the lower animals, it certainly plays a large part in influencing sexual choice among primitive men and more subtly among us in civiliza- tion. Just as soon as a social group recognises the possession of certain physical traits peculiar to itself—that is, as soon as it evolves what Giddings has aptly termed a “ conscious- ness of kind ’—its constant endeavour thenceforth is toafford the fullest expression to that ideal. Thus, according to Balz, the nobility in Japan are as much lighter in weight and more slender in build than their lower classes, as the Teutonic nobil- ity of Great Britain/is)above the British average. The Japan- ese aristocracy in cOnsequence might soon come to consider its bodily peculiarities as a sign of high birth. That it would thereafter love, choose, and marry—unconsciously perhaps, but no less effectively—in conformity with that idea is be- yond peradventure. Is there any doubt that where, as in our own Southern States, two races are socially divided from one another, the superior would do all in his power to eliminate any traces of physical similarity to the menial negroes? Might not the Roman nose, light hair and eyes, and all those promi- nent traits which distinguished the master from the slave, play an important part in constituting an ideal of beauty which would become highly effective in the course of time? So uncultured a people as the natives of Australia are pleased to term the Europeans, in derision, “ tomahawk-noses,” re- garding our primary facial trait as absurd in its make-up. Even among them the “consciousness of kind” can not be denied as an important factor to be dealt with in the theory of the formation of races.
50 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
Such an artificial selection as we have instanced is pecul- iarly liable to play havoc with facial features, for which reason these latter are rendered quite unreliable for purposes of racial identification. Because they are entirely superficial, they are first noted by the traveller and used as a basis of classifica- tion. A case in point is offered by the eastern Eskimos, who possess in marked degree not only the almond eye, so char- acteristic of the Mongolian peoples, but also the broad face, high cheek bones, and other features common among the people of Asia. Yet, notwithstanding this superficial resem- blance, inspection of our world map of the head form shows that they stand at the farthest remove from the Asiatic type. They are even longer-headed than most of the African negroes. The same phenomenon confronts us in our analysis of the aborigines of Russia. We shall find many of the dolicho- cephalic Finns, who are superficially Mongols in every facial characteristic. They remain Finns nevertheless, although their faces belie it. Equally erroneous is it to assume, because the Asiatic physiognomy is quite common among all the aborigines of the Americas, even to the tip of Cape Horn, that this con- stitutes a powerful argument for a derivation of the American Indian from the Asiatic stock. We shall have occasion to point out from time to time the occurrence of local facial types in various parts of Europe. On the principle we have indi- cated above, these are highly interesting as indications of a local sense of individuality; though they mean but little, so far as racial origin and derivation are concerned.
Happily for us, racial differences in head form are too slight to suggest any such social selection as has been sug- gested; moreover, they are generally concealed by the head- dress, which assumes prominence in proportion as we re- turn toward barbarism. Obviously, a Psyche knot or savage peruke suffices to conceal all slight natural differences of this kind; so that Nature is left free to follow her own bent with- out interference from man. The colour of skin peculiar to a’ people may be heightened readily by the use of a little pig- ment. Such practices are not infrequent. To modify the shape of the cranium itself, even supposing any peculiarity
THE HEAD FORM. 51
were detected, is quite a different matter. It is far easier to rest content with a modification of the headdress, which may be rendered socially distinctive by the application of infinite pains and expense. It is well known that in many parts of the world the head is artificially deformed by compression ‘during infancy. This was notably the case in the Americas. Such practices have obtained and prevail to-day in parts of Europe.* Bodin tells us that the Belgz were accus- tomed to compress the head by artificial means. The people about Toulouse in the Pyrenees are accustomed, even at the present time, to distort the head by the application of band- ages during the formative period of life. This deformation is sometimes so extreme as to equal the Flathead Indian mon- strosities which have been so often described. Fortunately, these barbarous customs are rare among the civilized peoples which it is our province to discuss. Their absence, however, can not be ascribed to inability to modify the shape of the head; rather does it seem to be due to the lack of apprecia- tion that any racial differences exist, which may be exag- gerated for social effect or racial distinction. More important to-day are the customs, such as the use of hard cradles, which indirectly operate to modify the shape of the cranium. Our portraits of Armenians and other peoples of Asia Minor at page 444 show the possible effect of such practices. These deformations not being clearly intentional, can not be reckoned as evidence of a selective process.
Westermarck + develops the interesting law that deforma- tive practices generally tend to exaggerate the characteristics peculiar to a people. It is true, indeed, that a flattening of the occiput seems to be more prevalent among the naturally
* For a full account of such deformation, vide L’Anthropologie, vol. iv, pp. 11-27. The illustrations of such deformation, of the processes em- ployed, and of the effect upon the brain development, are worthy of note. Other references concerning Europe are Lagneau, 1872, p. 618; Luschan, 1879; Lenhossek, 1878; Perier, 1861, p. 26; Davis and Thurnam, 1865, Pp. 34, 42; Thurnam, 1863, p. 157; Bertholon, 1892, p. 42; Globus, lix, p. 118, after Delisle in Bull. Soc. d’Anth., 1886, p. 649. Anutchin, 1887 and 1892, on Russia, is particularly good.
+ History of Human Marriage, second edition, p. 262.
52 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
brachycephalic aborigines of America and Asia. We have an African example of a recognition of the opposite cephalic pe- culiarity. It seems highly suggestive. The naturally long- headed Ovambo shave all the head save at the top, it is said, in order to bring their prominent occiputs into greater relief. One can not deny the effectiveness of such a custom in the case of our African portraits in this chapter. They certainly exaggerate the natural long-headedness to a marked degree. Such phenomena are, however, very rare; cranial individuality is very seldom subject to such modification, being in so far free from disturbance by artificial selection.
Another equally important guarantee that the head form is primarily the expression of racial differences alone lies in its immunity from all disturbance from physical environment. As will be shown subsequently, the colour of the hair and eyes, and stature especially, are open to modification by local circumstances; so that racial peculiarities are often obscured or entirely reversed by them. On the other hand, the gen- eral proportions of the head seem to be uninfluenced either by climate, by food supply or economic status, or by habits of life; so that they stand as the clearest exponents which we possess of the permanent hereditary differences within the human species. Ranke, of Munich, most eminent of German authorities, has long advocated a theory that there is some natural relation between broad-headedness and a mountainous habitat.* He was led to this view by the re- markable Alpine localization, which we shall speedily point out, of the brachycephalic race of Europe. Our map of the world, with other culminations of this type in the Himalayan plateau of Asia, in the Rocky Mountains, and the Andes, may seem to corroborate this view. Nevertheless, all attempts to trace any connection in detail between the head form and the habitat have utterly failed. For this reason we need not stop to refute this theory by citing volumes of evidence to the contrary, as we might. Our explanation for this peculiar geographical phenomenon, which ascribes it to a racial se-
* Cf. Moschen, 1892, p. 125, for criticism of this. Beitriage zur Anthro- pologie Bayerns, i, 1877, pp. 232-234; ii, 1879, p. 75.
Na ree mie
sae soit
ae meng santero - stile als
CEPHALIC [INDEX
THE DEEP SHADES INDICATE BROAD AND RELATIVELY SHORT HEADS
GURES INDICATE THE READTH OF LIVING HEADS IN PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL LENGTH...
BRoaD HEADS
a
‘ ae Peete Raekoe ee
e ted ryt (ae
Aes ae Gets le
eri
THE HEAD FORM. S 53
lective process alone, is fully competent to account for the fact. The environment is still a factor for us of great mo- ment, but its action is merely indirect. In the present state of our knowledge, then, we seem to be justified in ruling out environment once and for all as a direct modifier of the shape of the head.
Having disposed of both artificial selection and environ- ment as possible modifiers of the head form, nothing remains to be eliminated except the element of chance variation.* This last is readily counterbalanced by taking so many ob- servations that the fluctuations above and below the mean neutralize one another. Variation due to chance alone is no more liable to occur in the head than in any other part of the body. Rigid scientific methods are the only safeguard for providing against errors due to it. It is this necessity of making the basis of observation so broad that all error due to chance may be eliminated, which constitutes the main argument for the study of heads in the life rather than of skulls; for the limit to the number of measurements is deter- mined by the perseverance and ingenuity of the observer alone, and not by the size of the museum collection or of the burial place. It should be added that our portraits have been espe- cially chosen with a view to the elimination of chance. They will always, so far as possible, represent types and not indi- viduals, in the desire to have them stand as illustrations and not merely pictures. This is a principle which is lamentably neglected in many books on anthropology; to lose sight of it is to prostitute science in the interest of popularity.
The most conspicuous feature of our map of cephalic index for western Europe + is that here within a limited area all the extremes of head form known to the human race are crowded together. In other words, the so-called white race of Europe is not physically a uniform and intermediate type in the propor- tions of the head between the brachycephalic Asiatics and the long-headed negroes of Africa. A few years ago it was be-
* Ranke, 1897 b. See also chapter vi for further discussion. + See Appendix A for technical details.
54 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
lieved that this was true.* More recently, detailed research has revealed hitherto unsuspected limits of variation. They are roughly indicated by our portraits of living European types at page 39. In the high Alps of northwestern Italy are communes with an average index of 89, an extreme of round- headedness not equalled anywhere else in the world save in the Balkan Peninsula and in Asia Minor. This type of head prevails all through the Alps, quite irrespective of political frontiers. These superficial boundaries are indicated in white lines upon the map to show their independence of racial limits. There is no essential difference in head form between the Bavarians and the Italian Piedmontese, or between the French Savoyards and the Tyrolese.
From what has been said, it will appear that these Alpine populations in purity exceed any known tribes of central Asia in the breadth of their heads. Yet within three hundred miles as the crow flies, in the island of Corsica, are communes with an average cephalic index of 73.+ These mountaineers of in- land Corsica are thus as long-headed as any tribe of Aus- tralians, the wood Veddahs of Ceylon, or any African negroes of which we have extended observations. A little way farther to the north there are other populations in Scotland, Ireland, and Scandinavia which are almost as widely different from the Alpine peoples in the proportions of the head as are the Corsicans. An example of extreme individual variation down- ward is shown in our Teutoftic type at page 39, which has a lower index than any recorded for the longest-headed primitive races known. Nor is this all. Pass to northern Scandinavia, and we find among the Lapps, again, one of the broadest-
* Sir W. H. Flower, in his classification of human types, asserted it as late as 1885; it is reaffirmed in Flower and Lyddeker’s great handbook (1891); yet A. Retzius, as early as 1864, in his map of cephalic index, practically represented the modern proved facts, which detailed research has been slowly confirming ever since.
+ Lapouge, 1897, describes, perhaps, the broadest-headed contingent in Europe. Jaubert and Mahoudeau are best on Corsica. Bertholon, 1892, found an average below 74 for 358 Berbers in Khoumirie. Portugal, as we shall see, is equally long-headed, according to data furnished by Ferraz de Macedo. Cf. Closson, 1896a, p. 176.
THE HEAD FORM. 55
headed peoples of the earth, of a type shown in our series of portraits.
So remarkably sudden are these transitions that one is tempted at first to regard them as the result of chance. Fur- ther examination is needed to show that it must be due to law. Proof of this is offered by the map itself; for it indi- cates a uniform gradation of head form from several specific centres of distribution outward. Consider Italy, for example, where over three hundred thousand individuals, from every little hamlet, have been measured in detail. The transition from north to south is, as we shall see, perfectly consistent. The people of the extreme south are like the Africans among our portraits, at page 45 in respect of the head form; grad- ually the type changes until in Piedmont we reach an extreme perfectly similar to that depicted on our other page of brachy- cephalic Asiatic types. So it is all over the continent. Each detailed research is a check on its neighbour. There is no escape from the conclusion that we have to do with law.
Two distinct varieties of man, measured by the head form alone, are to be found within the confines of this little conti- nent. One occupies the heart of western Europe as an out- post of the great racial type which covers all Asia and most of eastern Europe as well. The other, to which we as Anglo- Saxons owe allegiance, seems to hang upon the outskirts of Europe, intrenched in purity in the islands and peninsulas alone. Northern Africa, as we have already observed, is to be classed with these. Furthermore, this long-headed type appears to be aggregated about two distinct centres of dis- tribution—in the north and south respectively. In the next chapter we shall show that these two centres of long-headed- ness are again divided from one another in respect of both colour of hair and eyes and stature. From the final combina- tion of all these bodily characteristics we discover that in reality in Europe we have to do with three physical types, and not two. Thus we reject at once that old classification in our geographies of all the peoples of Europe under a single title of the white, the Indo-Germanic, Caucasian, or Aryan race. Europe, instead of being a monotonous entity, is a
56 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
most variegated patchwork of physical types. Each has a history of its own, to be worked out from a study of the living men. Upon the combination of these racial types in varying proportions one with another the superstructure of nation- ality has been raised.
Among other points illustrated by our map of Europe is the phenomenon paralleled in general zodlogy, that the ex- treme or pure type is normally to be found in regions of marked geographical individuality. Such areas of charac- terization occur, for example, in the Alpine valleys, in Corsica and Sardinia, somewhat less so in Spain, Italy, and Scandi- navia. The British Isles, particularly Ireland, at least until the full development of the art of navigation, afforded also a good example of a similar area of characterization. Europe has always been remarkable among continents by reason of its “much-divided” geography. From Strabo to Montes- quieu political geographers have called attention to the ad- vantage which this subdivision has afforded to man. They have pointed to the smooth outlines of the African continent, for example; to its structural monotony, and to the lack of geographical protection enjoyed by its social and political groups. The principle which they invoked appears to hold true in respect of race as well as of politics. Africa is as uni- form racially as Europe is heterogeneous.
Pure types physically are always to be found outside the great geographical meeting places. These, such as the gar- den of France, the valleys of the Po, the Rhine, and the Danube, have always been areas of conflict. Competition, the opposite of isolation, in these places is the rule; so that progress which depends upon the stress of rivalry has fol- lowed as a. matter of course. There are places where too much of this healthy competition has completely broken the mould of nationality, as in Sicily, so ably pictured by Free- man. It is only within certain limits that struggle and con- flict make for an advance forward or upward. Ethnically, however, this implies a variety of physical types in contact, from which by natural selection the one best fitted for sur-. vival may persist. This means ultimately the extinction of
THE HEAD FORM. ° 57
extreme types and the supersession of them by mediocrity. In other words, applying these principles to the present case, it implies the blending of the long and the narrow heads and the substitution of one of medium breadth. The same causes, then, which conduce socially and politically to progress have - as an ethnic result mediocrity of type. The individuality of the single man is merged in that of the social group. In fine, con- trast of race is swallowed up in nationality. This process has as yet only begun in western Europe. In the so-called upper classes it has proceeded far, as we shall see. We shall, in due course of time, have to trace social forces now at work which insure its further prosecution not only among the leaders of the people, but among the masses as well. The process will be completed in that far-distant day when the conception of common humanity shall replace the narrower one of nation- ality; then there will be perhaps not two varieties of head form in Europe, but a great common mean covering the whole continent. The turning of swords into ploughshares will con- tribute greatly to this end. Modern industrial life with its incident migrations of population does more to upset racial purity than a hundred military campaigns or conquests. Did it not at the same time invoke commercial rivalries and build up national barriers against intercourse, we might hope to see this amalgamation completed in a conceivable time.
CHAPTER IV. BLONDS AND BRUNETS.
Tue colour of the skin has been from the earliest times regarded as a primary means of racial identification. The ancient Egyptians were accustomed to distinguish the races known to them by this means both upon their monuments and in their inscriptions. Notwithstanding this long ac- quaintance, the phenomenon of pigmentation remains to-day among the least understood departments of physical anthro- pology. One point alone seems to have been definitely proved: however marked the contrasts in colour between the several varieties of the human species may be, there is no cor- responding difference in anatomical structure discoverable.
Pigmentation arises from the deposition of colouring mat- ter in a special series of cells, which lie just between the trans- lucent outer skin or epidermis and the inner or true skin known as the cutis. It was long supposed that these pigment cells were peculiar to the dark-skinned races; but investiga- tion has shown that the structure in all types is identical. The differences in colour are due, not to the presence or absence of the cells themselves, but to variations in the amount of pig- ment therein deposited. In this respect, therefore, the negro differs physiologically, rather than anatomically, from the Eu- ropean or the Asiatic. Yet this trait, although superficial so to speak, is exceedingly persistent, even through considerable racial intermixture. The familiar legal test in our Southern States in the ante-bellum days for the determination of the legal status of octoroons was to look for the bit of colour at the base of the finger nails. Under the transparent outer skin in this place the telltale pigmentation would remain, despite a long-continued infusion of white blood.
58
co a E
FIGURES INDICATE TINTS IN BROCA'S SCALE
BBMBBLACK @-51)
39-40, 7, 53-4)
44-
» DOD
E 3 a x
| YELLOW (21-3
* AFTER G.GERLAND.
COLOR Of SKIN
2 “ q — (el g a < > fl
pe ea eS fH cz
WZR feet
60 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
In respect of the colour of the skin, we may roughly divide the human species into four groups indicated upon our world map. The jet or coal black colour is not very widespread. It occurs in a narrow and more or less broken belt across Africa just south of the Sahara Desert, with a few scattering bits farther south on the same continent. Another centre of dissemination of this characteristic, although widely sepa- rated from it, occurs in the islands southeast of New Guinea in the Pacific Ocean, in the district which is known from this dark colour of its populations as Melanesia. Next succeed- ing this type in depth of colour is the main body of negroes, of Australians, and of the aborigines of India. This second or brownish group in the above-named order shades off from deep chocolate through coffee-colour down to olive and light or reddish brown. The American Indians fall within this class, because, while reddish in tinge, the skin has a strong brown undertone. In the Americas we find the colour quite vari- able, ranging all the way from the dark Peruvians and the Mexicans to the aborigines north of the United States. The Polynesians are allied to this second group, characterized by a red-brown skin. A third class, in which the skin is of a yellow shade, covers most of Asia, the northern third of Africa, and Brazil,* including a number of widely scattered peoples such as the Lapps, the Eskimos, the Hottentots and Bushmen of South Africa, together with most of the people of Malaysia. Among these the skin varies from a dull leather colour, through a golden or buff to a muddy white. In all cases the shading is in no wise continuous or regular. Africa contains all three types of colour from the black Dinkas to the yellow Hottentots. In Asia and the Americas all tints obtain except the jet black. There are all grades of transitional shading. Variations within the same tribe are not inconsiderable, so that no really sharp line of demarcation anywhere occurs.
The fourth colour group which we have to study in this paper is alone highly concentrated in the geographical sense. It forms the so-called white race, although many of its mem-
* K. E. Ranke, Zeits. f. Eth., xxx, 1898, pp. 61-73.
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. 6L
bers are almost brown and often yellow in skin colour. As we shall show, its real determinant characteristic is, para- doxically, not the. skin at all but the pigmentation of the hair and eyes. Nevertheless, so far as it may be used in classi- fication, the very light shades of skin are restricted to Europe, including perhaps part of modern Africa north of the Sahara, which geologically belongs to the northern continent. There is a narrow belt of rather light-skinned peoples running off to the southeast into Asia, including the Persians and some high-caste Hindus. This offshoot vanishes in the Ganges Valley in the prevailing dark skin of the aboriginal inhabitants of India. The only entirely isolated bit of very light skin elsewhere occurs among the Ainos in northern Japan; but these people are so few in number and so abnormal in other respects that we are warranted in dismissing them from fur- ther consideration in this place.
Anthropologists have endeavoured for a long time to find the cause of these differences in the colour of the skin.* Some have asserted that they were the direct effects of heat; but our map shows that the American stock, for example, is in no wise affected by it. A consideration of all the races of the earth in general shows no correspondence whatever of the colour of the skin with the isothermal lines. The Chinese are the same colour at Singapore as at Pekin and at Kam- chatka. Failing in this explanation, scientists have endeay- oured to connect pigmentation of the skin with humidity, or with heat and humidity combined; but in Africa, as we saw, the only really black negroes are in the dry region near the Sahara Desert; while the Congo basin, one of the most humid regions on the globe, is distinctly lighter in tint. Others have attempted to prove that this colour, again, might be due te the influence of the tropical sun, or perhaps to oxygenation taking place under the stimulation of exposure to solar rays. This has at first sight a measure of probability, since the colour which appears in tanning or freckles is not to be distinguished
* Waitz: Anthropologie der Naturvélker, vol. i, p. 55 seg., contains some interesting remarks on this subject. Topinard, Ranke, De Quatre- fages, and all standard authorities devote much attention to it.
62 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
physiologically from the pigment which forms in the main body of the skin of the darker races. The objection to this hypothesis is that the covered portions of the body are equally dark with the exposed ones: and that certain groups of men whose lives are peculiarly sedentary, such as the Jews, who have spent much of their time for centuries within doors, are distinctly darker than other races whose occupations keep them continually in the open air. This holds true whether in the tropics or in the northern part of Europe. This local coloration in tanning, moreover, due to the direct influence of the sun is not hereditary, as far as we can determine. Sail- ors’ children are not darker than those of the merchant, even after generations of men have followed the same profession. Each of these theories seems to fail as a sole explanation. The best working hypothesis is, nevertheless, that this colora- tion is due to the combined influences of a great number of factors of environment working through physiological pro- cesses, none of which can be isolated from the others. One point is certain, whatever the cause may be—that this char- acteristic has been very slowly acquired, and has to-day be- come exceedingly persistent in the several races.
Study of the colour of the skin alone has nothing further to interest us in this inquiry than the very general conclusions we have just outlined. We are compelled to turn to an allied characteristic—namely, the pigmentation of the hair and eyes —for more specific resultS. There are three reasons which compel us to take this action. In the first place, the colora- tion of the hair and eyes appears to be less directly open to disturbance from environmental influences than is the skin; so that variations in shading may be at the same time more easily and delicately measured. Secondly; the colour or, if you please, the absence of colour, in the hair and eyes is more truly peculiar to the European race than is the lightness of its skin. There are many peoples in Europe who are darker skinned than certain tribes in Asia or the Americas; but there is none in which blondness of hair and eyes occurs to any con- siderable degree. It is in the flaxen hair and blue eye that the peculiarly European type comes to its fullest physical
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. : 63
expression. This at once reveals the third inducement for us to focus our study upon these apparently subordinate traits. Europe alone of all the continents is divided against itself. We find blondness in all degrees of intensity scattered among a host of much darker types. A peculiar advantage is herein made manifest. Nowhere else in the world are two such dis- tinct varieties of man in such intimate contact with one an- other. From the precise determination of their geographical distribution we may gain an insight into many interesting racial events in the past.
The first general interest in the pigmentation of the hair and eyes in Europe dates from 1865, although Dr. Beddoe began nearly ten years earlier to collect data from all over the continent. His untiring perseverance led him to take upward of one hundred thousand personal observations in twenty-five years.* During our own civil war about a million recruits were examined by Gould “*” and Baxter “™, many being im- migrants from all parts of Europe. The extent of the work which has been done since these first beginnings is indicated by the following approximate table:
Number of Observations.
School children. | Adults, MTORR Ss ig 3 satis 2 6,758,000 | tales. ciara aeeeees 299,000 SCHOO a Beis xs: «4c OOS {000 2 FB Yan COs Oe See 225,000+ Swaerernnd. o.oo... 497,000 _—swiBrritish Isles: JOR in ab: Ea ae Pe Oat) he FOA OOO | General wisct ons é.. 53,000 EUV CRA RR Nias are a 50,0001 «| Criminals, ete: ..4'. «s 12,000 United tates ern So's 1,000,000 |Remainder of Europe.. 50,000 + 10,217,000: j 1,639,000
t
It thus appears that the material is ample in amount. The great difficulty in its interpretation lies in the diversity of the systems which have been adopted by different observers. It is not easy to give an adequate conception of the confusion which prevails. Here are a few of the obstacles to be encoun-
* Mainly published in his monumental Races of Britain, London, and Bristol, 1885.) \
64 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
tered. As the table indicates, the countries north of the Alps have been mainly studied through their school children. In the Latin half of Europe adults alone are included. It is a matter of common observation that flaxen hair and blue eyes are characteristic of childhood. As it has been proved that from ten to twenty per cent of such blond children at maturity develop darker hair or eyes, the fallacy of direct comparison of these figures for the north and south of Europe becomes apparent.* Secondly; some observers, like Beddoe, rely pri- marily upon the colour of the hair; others place greater reli- ance upon the tints of the iris, as in the case of the Anthropo- metric Committee. It is, indeed, certain that brunetness is not equally persistent in the two. Dark traits seem to re- appear with greater constancy in the hair, while a remote blond cross more often leaves its traces in the eyes.t Thus we have the characteristic blue eye in the dark-haired Breton peasantry. The opposite combination—that is to say, of dark eyes with light hair—is very uncommon, as the Anthropo- metric Committee “**) found in the British Isles. The norm2l association resulting, as we shall see, from a blond cross with a primitive dark race is of brownish hair and gray or bluish eyes.{ In the third place, it is not easy to correct for the per- sonal equation of different observers. A seeming brunet in Norway appears as quite blond in Italy because there is no fixed standard by which to judge. The natural impulse is to compare the individual with the general population round about. The precision of measurements upon the head is nowise attainable. Some observers take the colours as they appear upon close examination, while the majority prefer to record the general impression at a distance. And, finally, after the observations have been taken in these different ways, some
* Consult Anthropometric Committee, 1883, p. 28; Virchow, 1886 b, p. 291; Zuckerkandl, 1889, p. 125; Livi, 1896 a, p. 67; Pfitzner, 1897, p. 477. Bordier’s observations in Isére, 1895, are particularly good for comparison.
+ Topinard, 188g a, pp. 515 and523; 1889 c; Collignon, 1890 a, p. 47 ; Vir- chow, 1886 b, p. 325. If the hair be light, one can generally be sure that the eyes will be of a corresponding shade. Bassanovitch, 1891, p. 29, striking- ly confirms this rule for even so dark a population as the Bulgarian.
¢t Sdren Hansen, 1888, finds this true in Denmark also.
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. . 65
authorities in their computations reject neutral tints which are neither clearly blond nor brunet, and give the relative proportions of the two types after this elimination. The re- sultant difficulty in drawing any close comparisons under such circumstances can readily be appreciated.
The general rule is that eyes and hair vary together, both being either lightish or dark, as if in correspondence.* Never- theless, such ideal combinations do not characterize a majority of most European populations. Thus, in Germany, of six million school children observed on a given day, not one half of them showed the simple combination of dark eyes and dark hair or of light eyes and light hair.+ In the British Isles, according to the Anthropometric Committee “**, it appears that over twenty-five per cent of persons measured have fair eyes and dark hair—in other words, that the hair and the eyes do not accompany one another in type. Of nearly five hundred students at the Institute of Technology, sixty-five per cent were of this mixed type. Even among the Jews, Virchow found less than forty per cent characterized by the same tinge of hair and eyes. In parts of Russia the proportion of pure types is scarcely above half; { in Denmark, less than forty per cent were consistently pure.*
Under these trying circumstances, there are two principal modes of determining the pigmentation of a given population. One is to discover the proportion of so-called pure brunet types—that is to say, the percentage of individuals possessed of both dark eyes and hair. The other system is to study brunet traits without regard to their association in the same individual. This latter method is no respecter of persons. The population as a whole, and not the individual, is the unit. North of the Alps they have mapped the pigmentation in the main by types; in France, Norway, Italy, and the British Isles they have chosen
* Ammon, 1899, p. 157, is fine on this. Among 6,800 recruits in Baden, sixty-three per cent of blue-eyed men had light hair, while eighty-four per cent of dark-eyed men had brown or black hair. Cf. also Livi, 18964, p. 63; Weisbach, 1894, p. 237; Arbo, 1895 b, p. 58.
+ Virchow, 1886 b, p. 298.
¢ Talko-Hryncewicz, 1897 a, p. 278; Anutchin, 1893, p. 285.
# Séren Hansen, 1888.
66 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
to work by dissociated traits. Here again is a stumbling-block in the way of comparisons. The absolute figures for the same population gathered in these two ways will be widely differ- ent. Thus in Italy, while only about a quarter of the people are pure brunet types, nearly half of all the eyes and hair in the country are dark. That is to say, a large proportion of brunet traits are to-day found scattered broadcast without association one with another. In Europe, as a whole, upward of one half of the population is of a mixed type in this respect. In America the equilibrium is still further disturbed. Nor should we expect it to be otherwise. Intermixture, migra- tion, the influences of environment, and chance variation have been long at work in Europe. The result has been to reduce the pure types, either of blond or brunet, to an absolute minority. Fortunately for us, in despair at the prospect of reducing such variant systems to a common base, the results obtained all point in the same direction whichever mode of study is employed. In those populations where there is the greatest frequency of pure dark types, there also is generally to be found the largest proportion of brunet traits lying about loose, so to speak. And where there are the highest percentages of these unattached traits, there is also the great- est prevalence of purely neutral tints, which are neither to be classed as blond or brunet. So that, as we have said, in whichever way the pigmentation is studied, the results in general are parallel, certainly at least so far as the deductions in this paper are concerned. Our map on the next page is in- deed constructed in conformity with this assumption.*
By reason of the difficulties above mentioned, this map is intended to convey an idea of the relative brunetness of the various parts of Europe by means of the shading rather than by concrete percentages. It is, in fact, impossible to reduce all the results to a common base for exact comparison. What we have done is to patch together the maps for each country, adopting a scheme of tinting for each which shall represent, as nearly as may be, its relation to the rest. In the scale at the left the shades on the same horizontal line are supposed
* See Appendix B.
RELATIVE FREQUENCY BRUNET |] RAITS.
120-25 per cent
50 %
os Ss SAY Foo SoOSS
Serr aS BSS
EF
EFF
EEF =
Over 30 per cent.
WZR. feeit
68 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
to represent approximately equal degrees of pigmentation. The arrangement of the colours in separate groups, it will be observed, corresponds to national systems of measurement. Thus the five tints used in Germanic countries and the six in Italy are separately grouped, and are each distinct from those used for the coloration of France. It will be observed that these separate national groups often overlap at each end. This arrangement indicates, for example, that the darkest part of Scandinavia contains about as many brunet traits as the lightest portion of Germany, and that they are both lighter than any part of Scotland; or that the fourth zone of bru- netness in Germany contains about as high a proportion of dark traits as the lightest part of France, and that they are both about as dark areas as the middle zone in England. As the diagram shows, central France is characterized by a grade of brunetness somewhat intermediate between the south of Austria and northern Italy. In other words, the increase of pigmentation toward the south is somewhat more gradual there than in the eastern Alps. To summarize the whole system, equally dark tints along the same horizontal line in the diagram indicate that in the areas thus equally shaded there are about the same proportions of traits or types, as the case may be, which are entitled to be called brunet.
In a rough way, the extremes in the distribution of the blond and brunet varieties within the population of Europe are as follows: At the nortlfern limit we find that about one third of the people are pure blonds, characterized by light hair and blue eyes; about one tenth are pure brunets; the remainder, over one half, being mixed with a tendency to blondness.* On the other hand, in the south of Italy the pure blonds have almost enttfrely disappeared. About one half the population are pure brunets, with deep brown or black hair, and eyes of a corresponding shade; and the other half is mixed, with a tendency to brunetness.+ The half-and-half line seems to lie about where it ought, not far from the
* Topinard, 188gc, for Norway; Hultkrantz, 1897, for 699 Swedes gives twenty-six per cent pure blonds. + Livi, 1896a, p. 60.
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. ; 69
Alps. Yet it does not follow the parallels of latitude. A circle, described with Copenhagen as a centre, sweeping around near Vienna, across the middle of Switzerland, thence up through the British Isles, might serve roughly to indicate such a boundary. North of it blondness prevails, although always with an appreciable percentage of pure brunets. South of it brunetness finally dominates quite exclusively. It should not fail of note that toward the east there is a slight though constant increase of brunetness along the same degrees of latitude, and that the western portion of the British Isles is a northern outpost of the brunet type.
Thus we see at a glance that there is a gradual though constant increase in the proportion of dark eyes and_hair from north to south. Gould’s data “*” on our recruits during the civil war, for example, represents about sixteen per cent of dark hair in Scandinavia, the proportion rising to about seventy-five per cent among natives of Spain or Portugal. There are none of those sharp contrasts which appeared upon our maps showing the distribution of the long and broad heads in Europe. On that map the extremes were separated by only half a continent in either direction from the Alps; whereas in this case the change from dark to light covers the whole extent of the continent. It is as if a blending wash had been spread over the map of head form, toning down all its sharp racial division lines. Some cause other than race has evi- dently exerted an influence upon all types of men alike, tend- ing to obliterate their physical differences. It is not a ques- tion of Celt, Slav, or Teuton. It lies deeper than these. The Czechs in Bohemia are as much darker than the Poles to the north of them, both being Slavic; as the Bavarians exceed the Prussians in the same respect, although the last two are both Germans. It would be unwarranted to maintain that any direct relation of climate to pigmentation has been proved. The facts point, nevertheless, strongly in that direction. We do not know in precisely what way the pigmental processes are affected. Probably other environmental factors are equally important with climate. To that point we shall return in a few pages. We may rest assured at this writing that our map
70 THE RACES OF EUROPE,
for Europe corroborates in a general way testimony drawn from other parts of the earth that some relation between the two exists.
It seems to be true that brunetness holds its own more persistently over the whole of Europe than the lighter char- acteristics. Probably one reason why this appears to be so, is because the dark traits are more striking, and hence are more apt to be observed. Yet, after making all due allowance for this fact, the relative persistency, or perhaps we might say penetrativeness, of the brunet traits seems to be indicated. Our map shows that, while in Scandinavia seldom less than one quarter of all the eyes and hair are dark, in the south the blond traits often fall below ten per cent of the total. Thus in Sardinia there are only about three per cent of all the eyes and hair which are light. The same point is shown with added force if we study the distribution of the pure blond or brunet types, and not of these traits independently. In the blondest part of Germany there are seldom less than seven per cent of pure brunet children. Among adults this would probably not represent less than fifteen per cent of pure bru- nets, to say the least. As our table shows, in Scotland direct observations on adults indicate nearly a quarter of the popu- lation to be pure brunets. On the other hand, the pure
Percentage of—
PURE BRUNETS. PURE BLONDS,
Children. Adults. Children. Adults. North Germany ........--se000:: 7-11 is 33-44 Middle Germanys sii ccs 6 siete Cyto I2-15 54 25-32 South Germany.......2.. secoees 15-25 ee 18-24 oe Scotlands vine aa eas Sa eich how Dee ones BB a Ries aie 50 THe oe he casks Cea ea pO alls eee eaten Sn en 48 WY BLES ccs e see aint s kins oie eo wa kone eine vz fae pengese eee Ey a 34 Belpiawt vii iss sees cscs cecvass beet eh Ae ewee 7 Ay Np Sais EERE OE es England... 0.05 sess eeccsse vases] \coenes 1.9 tesa ERAN 40 Switverlane awl ss awiss << cate vane 26 is II 36 PUSUIB Os <6 pl ts ae a Oe wens 23 18 20 18 tally ic jc eph a ceesico nei 4—sch eel Teen 27 aah eee 3 Sardinidicne oes ae Ce Ua ee Ae hic oan « 0.5 Croatia tens vs ok A Oa eee pe ee ay Bate a Se GLECCE i. dy ool wise es dis oe ee ee bea QO. tian e's
“
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. 71
blonds become a negligible quantity long before we reach the bottom of the table at the south. Thus, among two thou- sand and fifty natives of Tunis in North Africa, true Euro- peans as we must repeat, Collignon * found that, while blond hair or eyes were noticeable at times, in no single case was a pure blond with both light hair and eyes to be discovered. Similarly, in Sardinia, less than one per cent of the popula- tion was found by Livi to be of this pure blond type.+ Dr. Ferraz de Macedo has courteously placed the results of an examination of eighteen hundred Portuguese men and women at our disposition. Less than two per cent of these were char- acterized by light hair of any shade; about one fifth were black-haired, the remainder being of various dark chestnut tints. The interest and significance of this extreme rarity of blondness in the south lie in its bearing upon the theory, pro- pounded by Brinton, that northern Africa was the centre of dispersion of the blond invaders of Europe, who introduced a large measure of its culture.{ We shall return to this theory at a later time. It is sufficient here to notice how completely this blond type vanishes among the populations of the south of Europe and northern Africa to-day. Such blonds do occur; they are certainly not a negligible quantity in some districts in Morocco. A portrait of one is given, through the courtesy of Dr. Bertholon, of Tunis, in our series at page 278. Each one in so dark a general population as here prevails, however, is a host itself in the observer’s mind. The true status is revealed only when we consider men by hundreds or even thousands, in which case the real infrequency of blond traits becomes at once apparent.
Thus far we have been mainly concerned with the pig- mentation of the hair and eyes as a result of climatic or other environmental influences. Let us now consider the racial aspect of the question. Is there anything in our map which might lead us to suspect that certain of these gradations of
* 1888, p. 3. + 1896 a, p. 60. $ Keane, in his recent Ethnology, acquiesces in the same view,
42 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
pigmentation are due to purely hereditary causes? In other words, do the long heads and the short heads differ trom one another in respect of the colour of the hair and eyes, as well as in cephalic index? In the preceding chapter we took occa- sion to point out in a general way the remarkable localiza- tion of the round-headed element of the European population in the Alps. The great central highland seemed indeed to constitute a veritable focus of this peculiar physical type. In this way it divided two similar centres of long-headedness— Teutonic in the north, Mediterranean in the south—one from another. This geographical characterization of the broad- headed variety entitled it, in our opinion, to be called the Alpine type, in distinction from the two others above men- tioned. It will now be our purpose to inquire whether or not the physical traits of pigmentation stand in any definite and permanent relation to the three types of head form we have thus separated from one another in the geographical sense.
Many peculiarities in our colour map point to the persist- ence of racial differences despite considerable similarity of environment. Thus the Walloons in the southeastern half of Belgium, with a strip of population down along the Franco- German frontier, are certainly darker than the people all about. Among these Walloons, as our map on page 161 shows, brunet traits are upward of a third more frequent than among the Flemish in northern Belgium. This is especially marked by the prevalence of dark hair in the hilly country south of Brussels. The British Isles offer another example of local differences in this respect which can not be ascribed to environment. Wales and Ireland, Cornwall and part of Scot- land, as we shall see, are appreciably brunet in comparison with other regions near by. The contrast between Normandy and Brittany in France is of even greater value to us in this connection. Dark hair is more than twice as common in the Breton cantons as it is along the English Channel in Nor- mandy. These differences can not be due to the Gulf Stream mildness of the western climate or to the physical environ- ment in any other way. In the other direction, among the
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. ; 73
Hungarians, we begin to scent an Asiatic influence in the dark population of the southeast of Europe.
Perhaps the most conspicuous example of the racial fixity of this trait of pigmentation is offered by the Jews. They have preserved their Semitic brunetness through all adver- sities.* Socially ostracized and isolated, they have kept this coloration despite all migrations and changes of climate. In Germany to-day forty-two per cent of them are pure bru- nets in a population containing only fourteen per cent of the dark type on the average. They are thus darker by thirty per cent than their Gentile neighbours. As one goes south this difference tends to disappear. In Austria they are less than ten per cent darker than the general population; and finally in the extreme south they are even lighter than the populations about them. This is especially true of the red- haired type common in the East. To discover such differ- ences requires minute examination. The reward has been to prove that pigmentation in spite of climate is indeed a fixed racial characteristic among the people of Europe. We are therefore encouraged to hope that great racial groups of popu- lation may still yield us evidence of their relationship or lack of it in respect of the colour of their hair and eyes, as well as in the head form.
It must be confessed that ethnically the study of pigmenta- tion for Europe has heretofore yielded only very meagre and somewhat contradictory results. Huxley’s famous theory of two constituent races, light and dark respectively, intermingled all across middle Europe, seems alone at first glance to repre- sent adequately the facts for these traits.+ It is only by consideration of other physical characteristics—notably the head form—that we see how complex it is in reality. No clear-cut demarcation of blond or brunet types is anywhere apparent. This we might indeed ascribe to intermixture were it not for the sharp definition of the boundaries of head form. A second reason for this apparent obliteration of racial char-
* Consult chapter xiv for details. + 1870; his map is reproduced in Ranke’s Mensch. It is adopted by Flower and Lyddeker as a final classification.
74 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
acteristics in the matter of pigmentation lies at hand appar- ently. We hope to be able to prove that, while the Alpine racial type is intermediate in the colour of the hair and eyes between the Teutonic populations on the north and the Medi- terranean at the south, at the same time this physical trait is open to profound modification by the direct influences of environment. We shall hope to prove directly what we have already inferred from consideration of our general map of Europe—namely, that certain factors, either climate, eco- nomic status, or habits of life, are competent to produce ap- preciable changes in the colour of the hair and eyes.
Since, at this point, we are venturing forth upon an un- charted sea, it behooves us to move slowly. Two theses we hope to prove respecting those portions of central Europe which are characterized by the broad-headed Alpine type of population. The first is that this racial element being the most ancient, becomes relatively more frequent in the areas of isolation, where natural conditions have been least dis- turbed by immigrants. In_the byways, the primitive inhab- itant; in the highways, the marauding intruder! This prin- ciple is as old as the hills. It is certainly true of languages and customs, why not likewise of race? We shall be able to establish its verity for all parts of Europe in due time. It forms the groundwork of our socio-geographical theory. The second thesis, no less important, is that this primitive Alpine type of population normally tends to be darker in hair and eyes than the blue-eyed, flaxen-haired, and long-headed_ Teu- tonic peoples on the north; and that, on the other hand, by its grayish hazel eyes and brownish hair, this broad-headed type in the highlands of central Europe is to be distinguished from its more thoroughly brunet neighbour at the south. The geographical evidence afforded by our map of Europe all gives tenability to this view that the Alpine type is inter- mediate in the colour of hair and eyes. It will serve as proof provisionally at least. In a succeeding chapter we shall dis- cuss the matter of the association of separate traits into racial types from another point of view. We shall run up against some contradictory evidence, to be sure, but satisfactory dis-
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. 75
position may be made of this when it appears. In the mean- time we assume it to be geographically, if not indeed as yet anthropologically, proved beyond question.
What deduction is to be made from these two theses we have just outlined? The third side of our logical triangle seems to be fixed. If the areas of isolation are essentially Alpine by race, and if this ethnic type be truly intermediate in pigmentation, the byways, nooks, and corners of central Europe ought normally to be more brunet than the high- ways and open places all along the northern Teutonic border. Contrariwise, toward the south the indigenous undisturbed Alpine populations ought to be lighter than the heterogene- ous ones, infused with Mediterranean brunet blood, if we may use the term. Since mountainous areas are less exposed to racial contagion by virtue of their infertility and unattractive- ness, as well as by their inaccessibility or remoteness from dense centres of population, we may express our logical in- ference in another way. Where the Teutonic and the Alpine racial types are in contact geographically, the population of mountainous or isolated areas ought normally to contain more brunets than the people of the plains and river valleys, since blond traits have had lesser chance of immigration. The op- posite rule should obtain south of the Alps. If we find this relation to fail us, we shall be led to suspect environmental disturbance of a serious kind. Fortunately for our conten- tion, we are able to prove that it does so fail in various parts of Europe, notably in the Black Forest, the Vosges Moun- tains, and Switzerland. In all of these regions the popula- tions at considerable altitudes, who ought racially to be more brunet than their neighbours, are in fact appreciably more blond, and no other reason for this blondness than that it is a direct result of physical circumstances is tenable.*
In order, before dismissing this subject, to make our point clear, let us adduce one example in detail tending to prove that in mountainous areas of isolation some cause is at work which tends to disturb racial equilibrium in the colour of the hair and eyes. This is drawn from Livi’s monumental treatise
* See pages 234 and 288 in/ra.
76 THE RACES OF EUROPE.
on the anthropology of Italy. In entire independence of my own inferences, he arrived at an identical conclusion that blondness somehow is favoured by a mountainous environ- ment. From a study of three hundred thousand recruits, he found that fourteen out of the sixteen compartimenti into which Italy is divided conformed to this law. There was generally from four to five per cent more blondness above the four- hundred-metre line of elevation than below it.* The true sig- nificance of these figures is greater than at first appears, for we have again to consider the contrasts in the light of racial probability. In northern Italy the mountains ought to be lighter than the plains, because the Alps are here as elsewhere a stronghold of a racial type relatively blond as compared with the Mediterranean brunets. Environment and _ race here join hands to produce greater blondness in the moun- tains. It is in the south of Italy that the two work in opposi- tion, and here we turn for test of our law. In the south the mountains should contain the Mediterranean brunet type in relatively undisturbed purity; for the northern blonds are more frequent in the attractive districts open to immigration. Even here in many cases this racial probability is reversed or equalized by some cause which works in opposition to race, so that we find comfort at every turn.
The law which we have sought to prove is not radically new. Many years ago Waitz asserted that mountaineers tended to be lighter in colour of skin than the people of the plains,+ educing some interesting evidence to that effect from the study of primitive peoples. Among a number of very dark populations elsewhere, blonds occur in this way in ele-
* Antropometria Militare, p- 63 seg.; also in 1896 b, p. 24. We have discussed this in Publications of the American Statistical Association, vol. v, pp. 38 and ror seg. This law is shown by study of provinces also. There are sixty-nine of these available for comparison. Twelve of these contain no mountains: thirty-two show manifestly greater blondness in both hair and eyes; fifteen show it partially ; in two, mountain and plain are equal; and in the remaining seven the law is reversed. Several of these latter are explainable by local disturbances.
+ 1859-1872, i, p. 49. Prichard hints at the same law, and Peschel exemplifies it among primitive peoples
BLONDS AND BRUNETS. oF
vated regions. Thus the Amorites in Palestine, and especially the numerous blonds in the Atlas Mountains in Morocco, may conceivably be due to such causes.* It is not certain that the true cause lies in the modifying influences of climate alone. Much of the data which we have here collected does not prove this. In fact, climatic changes can not be related to some of the variations in blondness which have been out- lined. It seems as if some other factor had been at work. Livi, for example, ascribes the blondness of his mountaineers rather to the unfavourable economic environment, to the poor food, unsanitary dwellings, and general poverty of such popu- lations. This explanation fits neatly into our social theory: for we assert that the population of mountains is relatively pure because there is no incentive for immigration of other types. Thus a pure population implies poverty of environ- ment—a poverty which may stand in direct relation to the lack of pigmentation. It is yet too early to assert that this is the main cause. For the present it will suffice to have proved that appreciable differences in pigmentation exist, leaving the cause for future discussion. Much interesting material drawn from comparisons of urban with rural populations may help to throw light upon it. Our main purpose here has been to prove that pigmentation is a trait which is affected by environ- ment. If, as we hope to have shown, the shape of the head is not open to such modification, we shall know where to turn when conflict of evidence arises. We shall pin our faith to that characteristic which pursues the even tenor of its racial way, unmoved by outward circumstances.
* Sayce, 1888 a and 1888b. Sergi, 1897a, p. 296, after a masterly analysis, expressly adopts this explanation for the African blonds. Majer and Kopernicki, 1885, p. 45, find the mountaineers lighter if the mixed types be excluded, but not otherwise.
CHAPTER V.
STATURE.
THE average stature of man, considered by racial groups or social classes, appears, to lie between the limits of four feet four inches and five feet ten inches; giving, that is to say, a range of about one foot and a half. The physical elasticity of the species is not, however, as considerable as this makes it appear. The great majority of the human race is found re- stricted within much narrower limits. As a matter of fact, there are only three or four groups of really dwarfed men, less than five feet tall. Our map of the world shows a consider- able area inhabited by the diminutive Bushmen in South Africa. Another large body of dwarfs occurs in New Guinea. The line of demarcation in the first case between the yel- lowish African Bushmen and the true negroes is very sharp; but in the East Indies the very tall and light Poly- nesians shade off almost imperceptibly in stature through Melanesia into the stunted Papuans. Other scattering rep- resentatives of true dwarf races occur sporadically through- out the Congo region and in Malaysia, but their total number is very small. On the whole, considerably more than ninety- nine per cent of the human species is above the average height of five feet and one inch; so that we may still further narrow our range of variation between that limit and five feet ten inches. We thereby reduce our racial differences of stature to about nine inches between extremes. These variations in size, it will be observed, are less than those which occur among the lower animals within the same species. Compare, for ex- ample, the dachshund, the St. Bernard, the Italian greyhound, and the smallest lapdog, and remember that they are all as-
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